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This paper aims at presenting the most notable academic debates on Euroscepticism, as well as presenting the results of public opinion research on European integration of the Republic of Serbia. Research questions to which this paper will offer potential answers are related to the involvement of Euroscepticism within the political identity of Serbian citizens in the context of current negotiations with the European Union. As a secondary source of data, the author will use the results of researches conducted for the Serbian European Integration Office, for the 2009–2017 period. The author will chronologically present development of public opinion concerning the Serbian membership within the European Union. Besides, factors which lead to continuous Euroscepticism in the Republic of Serbia will also be addressed. The conclusion of this paper suggests that there is a long-term and high-level existence of Euroscepticism of Serbian citizens, especially after the Stabilisation and Association Agreement was signed in 2008.

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This paper studies the role of the European Union as a mediator in the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristine, since 2011. The highlight is on the engagement of the Union as a mediator, rather than the position of the sides in the dialogue, their interests or opinions towards the dialogue and mediator. The goal is to determine the most important successes that the Union has achieved, but also the failures because often there is a one-sided picture in which positive outcomes are attributed to the mediator and the negative ones to the sides in the dialogue. The process of mediation itself is examined through the methodological frame which determines the format, key dimensions and strategies. The main conclusion is that the role of the European Union as a mediator in the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristine is only partly successful – it records formal successes and informal failures. Defining the successes in the dialogue and the mediation imposes itself as the main future challenge.

Abstract ▼

The civil war in Syria, which has been raging since 2011, in addition to the huge number of migrants on the soil of Europe, as a consequence also has an escalation of terrorism not only in Europe but worldwide. Suppression of terrorism as a global problem has been entrusted, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, to the Security Council, as the highest body in charge of maintaining international peace and security. The issue of terrorism is often abused and treated by the Member States as a means of implementing both external and internal policies of the great powers, ignoring the fact that their action should be in commune bonum, i.e. the general good of humanity, which is highly endangered by this complex form of political violence. Bearing in mind that the media in Serbia in most cases did not report on the resolutions dealing with the topic of terrorism, but the focus was on the sensational element of terrorist attacks, the need arises for a comprehensive analysis of these documents taking into account their legal force.

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Continuous strengthening of Turkey along with the changed global circumstances caused by the end of the Cold War has created the possibility of determining a comprehensive and relatively independent state strategies, embodied in the concept of neo-Ottomanism. The region of the Balkans has a great significance in this strategy, with a special emphasis on the geopolitical space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since the coming to power of the AKP, led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, new impulses are visible in the direction of strengthening the political, economic, security and cultural aspects of the Turkish presence in BiH. The implementation of the concept of neo-Ottomanism in the territory of BiH is largely directed at protecting the interests of the Muslim factor, and often against the interests of the other two nations. Political influence is the most dominant part of the Turkish presence, while economic and cultural are marked by some strengthening. On the other hand, since the beginning of the civil war (1992–1995), the impact on the Muslim factor, but also the entire territory of BiH, apart from Turkey, has Iran and Saudi Arabia, which are seeking to strengthen their own influence and geopolitical strategies in this area.

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The paper analyzes the position of Japan in the region of East Asia, with a reference to the historical course of time, from its rise to a regional and then to a great power, which used its capacity to achieve imperialistic goals. Also, the paper includes an analysis of the Japanese ability to regain the old position in the regional distribution of power, following the departure of the US controllers in 1952. A special consideration was given to Japan\'s strategy to maintain a status quo in the Far East in the new circumstances, primarily in the rise of China as a world power.

Abstract ▼

Irrational use of the waters of the Syr Darya and the Amu Darya, in Central Asia, and in the area of the Aral basin, led to a major disruption of the water balance of the Aral Sea. During the 60s of the last century, the decision of the Soviet Union authorities, the region was transformed into a \"cotton region\" for whose needs was built a large number of irrigation channels. Requirements for the production of cotton grew from year to year, which contributed to the increase of the drinking water consumption. Since 1961, the intake of water in the lake has been so reduced that it could not compensate for the amount of water lost by evaporation. In this way, the water level in the lake was constantly decreasing, so that in 1989 the lake level dropped by 14 m compared to 1960. However, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, in the Aral basin were created 5 new countries, which could not find a common ground regarding the allocation and use of drinking water resources, which only worsened the huge environmental disaster in the region, leaving the immeasurable consequences (climatic, environmental, social and health) not only on wildlife but also on people. The tendency of every newborn state to have the primacy in the use and consumption of limited resources of drinking water, or desire to do the utmost to fully exploit \"their\" potable water resources, which are the primary catalyst for the growth of their weak economies, represents the most serious security threat that could destabilize the Central Asian region, and undoubtedly increase the existing potential militarization, disputes and conflicts over this limited but renewable natural resource. In the paper is especially emphasized the true state of drinking water resources in Central Asia – the Aral basin, the causes and consequences of the international dispute in the Aral Sea basin.

Abstract ▼

The subject of this work are political preconditions for establishing regionalism and regionalization in Bosnia and Herzegovina and other countries. Also, the author is discussing what are the experiences of other countries and the general conditions for the development of regionalism, and what are the geopolitical aspects of regionalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Regionalization is encouraged by strategic, economic and, often, cultural factors. By intensifying regionalization, consolidating security, economic, cultural, religious and other forms of connections and alliances, states of a certain region deepen the existing or define new forms of regional cohesion. However, when it comes to BiH, it should be noted that a clear and harmonized regional policy and compliance at all levels of “authorities” or, more precisely, of “managing” the direction in which the regional policy should be developed does not exist.

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The purpose of the IMF programs is to help developing countries faced with economic and financial challenges by strengthening the stability of their foreign exchange rates, financial systems, and national currencies. This further leads to an increase in the reputation of these member-states and consequently in the confidence of foreign investors, as well as the acceleration of regional development. Nevertheless, in spite of positive results, the IMF has been criticized because it has been transformed from a consultative, technical, and non-political institution into an institution that limits the integrity of its member-states that do not achieve the expected economic growth, although under pressure by the proliferation of conditions. However, if responding to this criticism, we take into account the capacity of governments to implement reforms and the tendency of politicians toward corruption, it is clear why the IMF uses the need of member-states for loans and the relationship of subordination in the implementation of the policy of conditionality. But, it is also necessary that the IMF’s conditions for its programs be adapted to specific circumstances of the member-states.