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Traditionally bad relations between Serbia and Albania reached their peak in 2008, which was marked by the unilateral proclamation of independence of Kosovo and Metohija. Hostility in communication has been maintained despite some attempts of relaxation of relations until the change of regimes in Serbia and Albania in 2013 and the signing of the Brussels agreement between Serbia and the so-called ”Republic of Kosovo”, with which have begun the new era in relations between these two states. aspiring to the membership in the European Union, Serbia and Albania have decided to prove that they are ready to cooperate on this path towards the common goal. However, besides the undisputed approach of two states and the establishment of high-level relations, significant challenges like the Kosovo question stand in the path towards the full normalisation. Therefore, the intention of the author is to describe the processes and events that have characterized the relations between Serbia and Albania from 2008 until today in order to understand better the current conditions. Relying on analysis and synthesis, the author will show that despite the expressed aspiration for better and improved relations, Serbia and Albania are still far from an equal partnership, honest friendship and essential understanding in their inter-relations which continue to be burdened with numerous unresolved issues of high importance.

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The article focuses on evolution, outcomes and consequences of the Ukrainian crisis. this crisis, as the most serious security challenge in Europe since the end of the Cold War, dramatically worsened relations between Russia on the one side and the West on the other and left far-reaching negative consequences for international relations as a whole. the goals of this article are the analysis of the specific circumstances, interests and position of both Ukraine and the key international actors that have led to the Ukrainian crisis and will affect its further development. the attitudes of the key international actors, as well as the formulation of appropriate policies towards Ukraine, are the most demanding tasks and a test of the capabilities and limitations of a common approach and cooperation of the international community in resolving the security challenges in the PostSoviet space.

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Modern international relations are characterized by the core political integration processes. By intensifying the regional interconnections among the countries, especially those with similar historical and cultural factors, some new types of regional cooperation are being born, which besides political include their economic integration as well. The so-called “spill-over effect” from economic to the political sphere, initially introduced within post-war Europe, is being manifested at the moment within the Asian space with the highest level of dynamics. This effect was mostly caused by the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, whose geographical beginning compounds this space. as the vast space, Central Asia becomes the region with the increased geopolitical dynamics. this article aims at reviewing and systematizing academic literature which involves Kazakhstan’s foreign policy as a very important determinant of geopolitical dynamics in Central Asia. the author will present main vectors of the Kazakh foreign policy and its implications towards the regional peace and stability, as well as the key characteristics of bilateral relations with P.R. China, Russian Federation, turkey, and countries of the so-called “stan” space. Majority of academic papers assumes that even though Central Asian geopolitical dynamics is shaped by the collision of interests intertwining right in Kazakhstan, this country today represents a much more active political factor in Asian space. In this regard, the vast majority of academics identifies Kazakh capacity to significantly influence international relations through multilateral initiatives, which could set it to the middle range power status.

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In the paper, the history, character, geographic extent and future of geostrategic competition between India and China in the South Asian mainland, and in the maritime zone of the Indian Ocean, are presented and explained. the basic thesis of the paper consists of the attitude that, despite mutual economic cooperation and joint participation in certain international forums, such as BRICS, India and China are not political partners, but rather strategic rivals, whose current low-intensity competition may assume more violent forms and content over time. also, the assertion that, for the time being, China is in a more favorable position in the mainland, whereas India is still more dominant in the ocean due to the specific geographic conditions is presented and reasoned in this paper. In the final part of the paper, the author also makes a reference to the possible global consequences of the competition between the world’s two most populous nations.

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Considering its long history, complex nature and significant consequences, the Kashmir conflict is the subject of many scientific articles and agency reports. the Kashmir conflict is a distinctive feature of the past, present and future of Indian-Pakistani relations, and also a significant factor of instability in South Asia. therefore, the main goal of this paper is to gain insight into the genesis of the conflict, as well as to describe the current state of the Kashmir conflict. Firstly, using the methodological literature review procedure, the history of the Kashmir conflict is presented and then follow theoretical explanations of the origin and nature of this conflict. the central part of the paper focuses on the current dynamics of the dispute, followed by the presentation of some possible conflict solutions. Concluding remarks are given eventually.

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The paper analyzes the position of Taiwan (the Republic of China) in the east Asian power distribution from the Cold War \"pioneer of democracy,\" which had its first direct elections in 1996 and acted as a containment instrument to the growing power of the People\'s Republic of China, to a possible acquisition of the status of another Chinese special administrative region like Hong Kong and Macau. the work deals with the hypothetical prospect of Taipei to gain independence, with or without a direct conflict between the world\'s two largest economies, the People’s Republic of China and the United States.

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Southeast Asia is one of the world\'s (macro) regions with a noticeable strengthening of the influence of radical Islam. this primarily relates to its maritime part and especially the regions of Aceh and Sulawesi in Indonesia, South Philippines and Southern Thailand. In the continental part, the potential zone for the strengthening of the influence of radical Islam is the ethno-space of the people of Rohingya in the northeast of Myanmar. Frequent terrorist attacks and the cooperation of extremist groups from different countries have been one of the main characteristics of this region for the last 10 years. the article consists of four parts. the first part describes in detail what is meant by the term Southeast Asia and explains the classification of the maritime and continental part. the second chapter presents the historical process of spreading Islam in Southeast Asia, as well as the creation of a specific \"traditional Islam\" as the amalgam of local traditions and Muslim learning. the third part analyzes the causes of changes in the Muslim corpus and the growing activism of radical Islamic groups in the 21st century, while the fourth part is dedicated to concluding observations.