Abstract ▼

The article examines the importance of the crisis phenomena in the context of the progress of integration processes, that is, the centralization of competencies at the European decision-making level. To answer the questions of whether the integration is moving forward through crises and whether crises have truly been a positive stress test for the European Union, as it is sometimes referred to in the literature, the responses to the preceding crises are analyzed. The choice fell on the crises that historians of European integration have identified as the most serious. Particular emphasis is placed on the consequences of the latest Union crisis. Whether it is portrayed as the most serious economic crisis in the history of a European project, or the uncertain transformation of an ineffective and democracy deficient European multi-level governance system that has been in force for more than a decade, the Eurozone crisis has had far-reaching political consequences. Various narratives are also considered regarding the Union’s definitive way out from the crisis. The paper concludes the integration has progressed, both as a result of measures taken for the sake of crises and as a result of other factors not strictly related to crises. It is not advisable to ascertain that the growing interdependence of the European people, initiated as a result of institutional responses to crises, is desirable or useful without a qualitative examination of the political order within which it is achieved.

Abstract ▼

Regional cooperation within the Chinese platform 17+1 is still very limited. Most of the finished projects were achieved bilaterally, although the first project that was agreed upon was a regional project, e.g. the railway Belgrade – Budapest. Projects that have regional components and are more and more nominated by member countries are mainly those already considered by the European Union, but the Union retracted from fulfilling them. The impression is that most of the projects are \"recycled\" and that the member countries did not offer China new regional projects. Regardless, China is willing to cooperate, but cooperation is progressing slowly. It would be more suitable if the member countries of this initiative could nominate more innovative and manageable projects. Serbia has positive experiences with the realization of bilateral projects, but not so much with regional, mainly due to the negative attitude of the EU.

Abstract ▼

After the collapse of the USSR and the triumph of the liberal world over the communist bloc, the states of the Visegrád Group have unanimously opted geopolitically for Euro-Atlantic integration and embarked on a process of economic transformation. Aware of its historical responsibility and geographical proximity to these countries, Germany’s foreign policy of the early nineties has expressed unreserved support for the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the leaderships of the Visegrád Troika and then the Four, following the peaceful dissolution of Czechoslovakia in 1993 into the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The crises the EU has been facing, from the outbreak of the financial crisis, the migrant and the Ukrainian crises, to the “divorce dispute” between the EU and the UK and Northern Ireland, have all been a real test for the newcomers to the family of European nations, including the states of the Visegrád Group. The fact that unlike the western EU member states, which had been shaped by a democratic political culture during the Cold War, the Visegrád Group states were all united under an authoritarian political and military alliance led by the USSR, only serves to make their trials even more difficult. Because the focus of the European bloc will be on the German/French duo following the UK\'s exit from the EU, it is in Germany\'s interest to guide its strong economic relations with the Visegrád Group states in the direction of constructive contribution to the further strengthening of the family of European nations.

Abstract ▼

For more than a century, i.e., from the times of the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, Serbia and Albania have had turbulent relations. The only change in the status of these relations is the transition from a conflict situation into a pre-conflict situation and vice versa. The consequences of such relations between the two countries are mostly felt by the national minorities. Unlike the Serbian minority in Albania, during the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Albanian minority had the National Party in the Parliament of the former state. Their interests were represented by the Cemiyet Party, which was eventually banned due to anti-state operations. During the reign of Enver Hoxha in neighboring Albania, their compatriots of the Albanian national minority in Kosovo and Metohija had freedom of thought, freedom of speech and political freedoms in many areas of life. In general, they had much more rights than their compatriots in Albania. However, the Serbian national minority in communist Albania during that time was suffering from the terror of boundless proportions. The personal names of people, cultural and religious heritage, freedom of religion, expression of nationality, all aspects of human life, and sometimes even life itself became subject of general oppression during the time of the dictator Enver Hoxha. After the dissolution of SFR Yugoslavia, NATO aggression against Yugoslavia, and temporary occupation of the southern Serbian province, status and position of the Serbian minority in Albania looked gloomier than during the rule of Enver Hoxha. The paper intends to give a brief historical account of the circumstances that explain the consequences of the present state of the Serbian national minority. However, it will primarily be focused on the present state of our minority, the renewal of its linguistic, cultural and religious life (a large number of Serbs in Albania are Muslims, especially in central Albania). Currently, the leading role in the renewal of the Serbian minority and its national and ethnic consciousness has an association Moraca-Rozafa from Shkodra, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Republic of Serbia and many other individuals involved. Also, the authors of this paper want to point out the positive role of the Republic of Serbia and its concern for the compatriots in Albania.