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The Global Competitiveness Report 2020 ranks Serbia among the countries worst affected by the brain-drain issue globally. It is estimated that approximately 30 to 50 thousand people migrate each year. The research examines the effects of the adopted policy measure and analyses future measures planned for Serbia. The author focuses on the elimination of push factors, reforming sectors of society that are stimulating outward migration and “pull measures”, attracting both the diaspora and foreign citizens to reside in Serbia. The author justifies the initial hypothesis that the issue of circular migration requires a comprehensive approach. Reducing the brain drain problem and fostering repatriation require the simultaneous introduction of public policy proposals that target all key pain points and provide effective results in attracting talented people and supporting the long-term development of Serbia.

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This article investigates the causes of the shutdown of Libya’s nuclear weapons program, which lasted from the establishment of Muammar Gaddafi’s regime until 2003. The author analyses the phases of the nuclear weapons program, observing three periods, from attempts to purchase a produced nuclear bomb, through establishing cooperation with other countries in order to procure production technology, to the last phase of relying on own capacities with external assistance and illegal procurement of nuclear elements on the black market. By analysing the practices of foreign policy and internal nuclear activities, the author tries to locate the main causes of the stoppage of Libya’s nuclear program through the prism of a realistic paradigm. Rejecting the thesis of insufficient personnel capacity as a reason for stopping the nuclear program and the possibility of economic sanctions to deliver results, the author emphasizes the fear of targeting as the main cause for abandoning nuclear ambitions. Elaborating on Gaddafi’s pragmatism and the difference between declared and real intentions, the author emphasizes the importance of understanding the nature of the regime driven by the desire for the first Arab nuclear bomb. The theory of hegemonic stability offers a basis for a theoretical interpretation of Libyan behaviour and the final abandonment of the nuclear weapon program. This article opens up space for future academic analysis, such as the issue of the capability of nuclear weapons to deter military intervention and whether Libya would be attacked in the case of further work on the nuclear bomb.

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This paper presents an analysis of the differences between Serbia and Croatia’s negotiation process for EU membership, especially those which have influenced the course and outcomes of the negotiations so far, as well as the bilateral relations between the two countries. Although the negotiations are a nominally suitable framework for resolving open issues between the candidate countries, due to the lack of political will, neither Serbia nor Croatia has used that capacity. Of all the neighbouring countries, Serbia has the most unsolved issues with Croatia (minority issues, missing persons, exiled and internally displaced persons, border demarcation on the Danube, successions and many others). The dynamics of relations have significantly changed since Croatia became a member in 2013, gaining a much-privileged position in regard to Serbia as a candidate. The main thesis of the paper is that the European Union has at the very least contributed to maintaining the status quo in Serbo-Croatian bilateral relations by raising the question of normalization of relations between Belgrade and Pristina above any other political questions, as well as bilateral relations with the countries in the region. It should be kept in mind that the relations between Serbia and Croatia are not only bilateral, but they also have their implications in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which further emphasizes the importance of improving bilateral relations for long-term peace and stability in the Balkans. The reasons for the Union’s position can be found in its efforts to expand its influence in the region. With its engagement in resolving the Kosovo issue, and due to the reduction of its so-called transformative power, the EU has reached the maximum of its capacities, which is why it has taken a passive position when it comes to bilateral disputes. The double standards sporadically used by the EU when it comes to Serbia and Croatia were already visible in the Stabilization and Association Process that precedes the negotiation process, which will be discussed in the first part of the paper. The conditions for membership have not been formally changed, but they have changed in essence. These changes are one of the reasons for Serbia\'s slow progress towards EU membership, reasons which are basically of a political nature. These changes will be presented in the second part of the paper. In the end, we will try to evaluate whether this action of the EU and the negotiation process itself had a positive or negative impact on the development of good neighbourly relations between the two countries.

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The development of artificial intelligence and management in the field of informatics and cybernetics brought drastic changes in the technical means used in armed conflicts at the beginning of the 21st Century. Technical innovations have made a significant impact on the capability of the Armed Forces. Due to increasing technological progress the Law of Armed Conflict has become inadequate and for that reason has attracted the attention of the doctrine. The use of autonomous and automated combat systems (drones, unmanned aerial vehicles, unmanned vehicles and vessels, self-propelled weapons, etc.), which can find targets on their own, do not have a clear legal (international legal) status. Autonomous and automated combat systems themselves are tools, weapons and thus a legitimate military target. The scientific and technological revolution has made significant changes in the field of conducting combat operations, but especially in the area of preparing combat operations and issuing orders for conducting those operations. Thus, the extremely fast and drastic technological development of combat means has doubly influenced the modern conduct of armed struggle. First, he perfected the technique for conducting armed combat and second, according to the principle of feedback, such developed means influenced the emergence of new methods of conducting combat operations and vice versa, the emergence of new demands by military thought for new more sophisticated combat means. The paper aims to define autonomous and automated combat systems and point out possible violations of the norms of international law of armed conflict during the use of these systems. Also, the author points out the legal gaps in the international law of armed conflicts that have emerged with the development of new types of combat systems and their use.

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The goal of this study is to respond to an intriguing question that has been the focus of Slobodan Jovanović’s research: Is dictatorship a common denominator for European countries during and after the two world wars, as well as for Latin American countries during and after the Cold War ended in the digital era? The paper draws on the hypothesis that in the interwar period, Jovanović built the foundation for more advanced and comprehensive research into a state and its internal integration processes. With this claim in mind, one can discuss the validity of Jovanović’s research. The conclusion is based on the statement that during the global migration and simultaneous health crisis, the countries should maintain close cooperation in order to ensure the survival of democracy and the prevention of dictatorships both in European and Latin American countries.

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Migrations instigated by war and suffering, the actions of radical Islamists and the formation of the Islamic State on the territory of several Middle Eastern countries forced European states to act systematically against the invasion of migrants over a long period, spending their resources and overworking their police, military and civilian capabilities. Through the topic “Illegal migration and security responses, a case study on the example of Austria and Hungary,” we will attempt to comprehend modern illegal migration. We examined the work and outcomes of Southeast European anti-trafficking and anti-trafficking systems, including governmental and non-governmental organizations and their responsibilities in the system, to determine which capacities have yet to be developed and where the systems‘ weaknesses lie.

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The asymmetric global economic recovery from the aftermath of COVID19 and the accompanying “vaccine apartheid” has opened space for OPEC’s new political role on the international stage, at a time when, according to UN Secretary-General Guterres, humanity has “crossed the red line” regarding climate change. In the text, we express our belief that OPEC\'s narrative that “energy must be accessible to all” takes a new negotiating position towards the advocates of a rapid transition to the exploitation of renewable energy sources, and gives space for joint business and eventual political arrangements with the poorer part of the world. The text highlights OPEC\'s arguments against disjunction: either oil or renewable energy, and points to Africa’s new energy attractiveness for this group of oil-producing countries.