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The paper analyzes the increasingly intensive and diverse political and military partnership between India and Australia over the last ten years. The author proves several hypotheses in the paper. According to the first, the main driver of their rapprochement is the common fear of the political elites of the two countries that in the Indo-Pacific region, the People’s Republic of China could become a hegemonic power with ambitions that run counter to the interests of both India and Australia. The second hypothesis, closely related to the first, expresses the view that India and Australia strive to maintain/restore and strengthen the balance of power .In the third hypothesis, the author claims that both countries conduct exclusively the so-called soft balancing versus the People’s Republic of China, and that their interests, capacities and complementarity in balancing are limited, and that it is unlikely that in the short term (1-6 years) they could switch from the so-called soft to the so-called hard balancing. The paper also gives a brief overview of the history of relations between the two countries.

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The subject of this paper is the analysis of the specific trade position of Mozambique, whose model of economic development is based on the extraction of natural resources. According to the United Nations classification, Mozambique is categorized as one of The Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in the world, which are extremely vulnerable to exogenous shocks and natural disasters. In addition, they encounter many barriers in international trade, which lead to increase of trade costs. This paper will point out the possibilities of overcoming these difficulties through the implementation of the Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA), adopted under the World Trade Organization; as well as through investment in trade-capacity building, which should open opportunities for Mozambique to achieve a higher level of integration into international trade.

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The main task of the paper is to establish the main determinants of German and British political relations, with special emphasis on the development of these relations after Brexit. The introductory part of the paper presents the circumstances under which Britain left the EU, in light of the fact that this process was the first case of leaving the EU by one of its members. The basic contours of German and British relations were outlined, as well as the challenges facing the Federal Republic of Germany in order of its firm determination to preserve the EU and adequately respond to new challenges in line with the turmoil at the global level. Since the second strongest economy and its third most populous country left the EU, the role of Germany in shaping the post-Brexit union is becoming more prominent. The central part of the paper is dedicated to the analysis of the foreign policy agendas of the two countries in the post-Brexit circumstances. With the exit of Great Britain from the EU, the task of devising a new foreign policy doctrine of Britain and its role in the world was inevitably imposed on its government. Although the basic contours of German foreign policy doctrine, rooted in decades of tradition, remain unchanged, in the new coalition agreement of the German government, a more ambitious approach can be seen in agreement with its Euro-Atlantic partners. The final part points to the perspectives of future relations between the two countries in accordance with their tradition, that is, the basic directions of their foreign policy, as well as the changed geopolitical landscape. The core of future bilateral relations between the two countries will inevitably take place in the light of the fact that, as an EU member, Germany has an obligation to build a common foreign and security policy within the European agenda. Different research methods were used to consider the specific subject of research. Among the basic methods of cognition, the methods of analysis and synthesis were applied. As for general scientific methods, hypothetical deductive and historical methods were used.

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This paper tries to portray the energy relations between the European Union and Russia, which are characterized by the recognition of mutual and joint interests in the fields of energy and the economy. This part of EU-Russia diplomatic relations is based on the principle of interdependency, which ties the two subjects into close cooperation and thus complements their otherwise turbulent relationship. The interests for which these relations are maintained are of high value to both parties and prove that EU-Russia cooperation is possible and sustainable, although with an uncertain future, having in mind other diplomatic concerns and current ongoing events in Ukraine in overall EU-Russia relations. Although far from ideal and filled with controversies and tensions, this sphere of diplomatic relations is very important and has large economic and political implications. This paper will give a brief overview of the events leading up to the existing controversies over Nord Stream 2, as well as the future implications and predictions of possible consequences regarding further energy relations between Russia and the EU.

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The paper follows the development of the principle of freedom of navigation on a multilateral level, primarily within the framework of the Convention regarding the Regime of Navigation on the Danube, which emphasizes the interests of the riparian countries in the foreground. Bearing in mind that the Convention was adopted in circumstances significantly different from today’s, the question of the need for its revision legitimately arose. For this purpose, the Danube Commission, as a supervisory mechanism, established the Preparatory Committee for the diplomatic conference on the revision of the Belgrade Convention, focusing on: institutional and procedural issues of the Danube Commission, membership, the Commission’s decision-making process, language, and reform of the Secretariat. The goal of the research is to gain a better insight into the importance of the revision process, and provide certain guidelines and predictions regarding the further development of matters related to the necessary revision of the Convention, all by analyzing relevant historical segments and positive legal solutions contained in the Convention, taking into account the previous work on revision. This is a matter that is of particular importance for the Republic of Serbia as the depository of the Convention, but also for the entire Danube region and the strengthening of mutual cooperation. Likewise, the issue of membership, as one of the priorities, was brought up again, from a different angle, in the context of the Ukrainian crisis, which confirms the importance of this research. The hypothesis that will be confirmed in the paper is that the revision of the Convention is necessary to a certain extent, taking into account the changed circumstances that have occurred in the last couple of decades. Simply put, there is no international treaty that would be valid in its original form at all times and in all circumstances.