Abstract ▼

This article offers an alternative hypothesis about the possible transformation of the system of international relations in the early 21st century by changing the centuries-old centre of global security, i.e., the “locus“ from the European to the Indo-Pacific macrospace. The authors introduce five distinctive features of the newly proposed concept that can contribute to methodological efforts to innovate the study of international relations in the future. The discussion traces a set of arguments based on the definitive end of the era of unipolarity caused by a number of processes and events that have taken place over the last few years. The gravity of global security – the locus dominated by the US and supported by other states of the global West – was oriented dominantly to the northern part of the EuroAtlantic area during the last eight decades. Such geographical proximity to the European security regional complex enabled the US to enjoy exclusivity in the sphere of political and security dominance over the entire world. This article aims to examine the trends, principles, and processes that have led to the shift of the locus of global security from the wider area of Europe to the Indo-Pacific region. The authors base their argument on the assumption that the growing economic and strategic importance of the Indo-Pacific region, together with the change in global power dynamics, leads to a shift in the focus of global security efforts to this region and the orientation of the remaining superpowers in the system of international relations to a new geographical area. The authors identify the peculiarities of the Indo-Pacific as a new locus of global security and discuss the future of the \"securityabandoned\" Euro-Atlantic space in the new distribution of global relations.

Abstract ▼

From the beginning of the 21st century, Asian politics have been characterised by the rise of China as the main challenger to the current world order and its hegemon, the United States of America. The rise of China is accompanied by the growth of the ambitions of India, a power with significant economic potential and a nuclear arsenal, whose goal is to dominate the Indian Ocean as one of the key waters in this century. However, Beijing\'s active revisionist policy towards the existing order implies its greater presence in the region and control of important infrastructure in the countries surrounding India, which burdens these relations and creates a sense of insecurity in the South Asian and Indian Ocean regions. This tightening of relations between Beijing and New Delhi is progressively being interpreted through the lens of a security dilemma fueled by an increasingly unstable international environment. Using the theoretical work of Robert Jervis in the field of defining the security dilemma, this paper advocates the hypothesis that there is currently no security dilemma between China and India. That is primarily due to the predominant defensive advantage that geography provides for India and the ability to recognise other states’ intentions when making decisions. According to Jervis, these two factors make it impossible to view the bilateral interaction of the two actors as a security dilemma.

Abstract ▼

The paper describes and analyses the military cooperation between the Republic of Serbia and the Russian Federation during the last fifteen years, practically since the re-independence of Serbia, i.e., since 2006. Special attention is paid to agreements on military cooperation as well as the effects of their implementation. In addition, the paper explains the modalities of military cooperation between states, the factors that support or hinder it, and the reasons why states conclude agreements in this area. Based on these theoretical-typical patterns, the paper analyses the process of Russian-Serbian military cooperation and its scope. The author lists specific modalities of military cooperation between Serbia and the Russian Federation, looks at its geostrategic framework, and discusses its existing/potential geopolitical effects. A prediction of its realisation/fate in the future was also provided in the context of the war in Ukraine and the tightening of relations between the West and Russia. When writing the paper, several scientific methods were used, the most common of which were analysis and comparison.

Abstract ▼

This paper examines the nature of the foreign policy positioning of the Republic of Albania as a small state towards the United States of America as a big power in international relations by analysing their bilateral relations from 2013 to 2022. The paper finds that Albania’s positioning is based on the need to secure an alliance shelter with the United States. The urges to realise the aforementioned alliance stem from Albania’s weaknesses at the international and state domestic levels. The protection that Albania enjoys from the US has a political, military, and economic-social character on an external and internal state basis. The implications of such bilateral relations for Albania include diverse foreign policy loyalties towards the United States. In addition, the consequences of enjoying such protection include substantial penetration and transformative intra-state effects in accordance with the intentions of its protector state.

Abstract ▼

The modern era ushers in significant changes in the conventional method of achieving economic growth, bringing us to eco-efficiency in economic growth. Nowadays, eco-efficiency is becoming a measure of progress in green growth and an increasingly preferred way of using resources. Ecoefficiency has become a practical approach for businesses to contribute to sustainable development. The focus of the paper is on eco-efficiency and sustainable development in the agriculture sector. In this context, sustainability in the agricultural sector depends on the existence of ecoefficient production models. A number of parameters were researched with the aim of determining and comparing the development level as well as the level of realisation of sustainable development goals (SDG) in Central and Southeast Europe (CSEE). We used the method of a comparative analysis of SDG indicator values between different CSEE countries in order to assess the effectiveness of countries in advancing the goals of sustainable development. Since this is a relatively unknown indicator in Serbia, we also research to what extent the concept of eco-efficiency is implemented in the Serbian agricultural policy and strategic development documents. The research gave a basic framework for the answers to the question of how to improve Serbian agriculture based on the postulates set within the EU in order to comply with the SDG.

Abstract ▼

The main goal of the Open Balkans Initiative is economic integration. It is not an initiative that will replace EU accession but a process that should speed up integration. The research question is whether deeper economic integration is possible without a political and security component. The complexity of this issue is indicated by the fact that the countries-participants in the initiative have different security policies. Serbia has declared military neutrality, while North Macedonia and Albania are NATO members. Inter-state economic integration is almost impossible without coordination at the political and security levels. The sanctions that Russia is facing due to the Ukrainian conflict are not correlated with the Open Balkans but represent indicators of economic trends. Through these indicators, an answer to the question of whether and to what extent the Open Balkans can reach full economic integration if the security policies of the countries that are part of the initiative are not unified, will be reached. The goal is to show how the security and political positioning of states determine inter-state economic flows and, therefore, explain that it is very difficult to achieve full capacities of economic integration without a security and political component.

Abstract ▼

The paper presents the development of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) over a period of thirty years, i.e., since its establishment as a regional economic initiative of the countries of the wider Black Sea region. In the meantime, this regional economic initiative has grown into a full-fledged intergovernmental organization that currently consists of thirteen member countries. The Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation territorially covers a very important geostrategic area that represents a natural “bridge” connecting Europe and Asia. In the previous period, the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation managed to overcome many internal and external challenges. However, currently, the Organization is facing a major test due to the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The mentioned conflict caused certain political turbulence in its functioning, which is why the Jubilee Summit on the occasion of 30 years could not be held, even though it was planned for June 2022. Such a negative sequence of international events necessarily requires the preservation of the constructive approach that the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation has practised in previous years by developing economic cooperation among member states to preserve international peace and stability not only in the Black Sea region but also beyond. Since the Republic of Serbia will take over the six-month presidency of the Organization starting on January 1, 2023, it would be politically expedient to make efforts so that the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation continues to act in that direction, contributing to solving the current political crisis.

Abstract ▼

The research subject of this paper is the position of Lusophone countries in Portugal\'s foreign policy, i.e., the countries of former Portuguese colonies where Portuguese is still used as an official language. The goal of the research is to prove the initial general hypothesis that, despite being fully integrated into the system of the so-called collective West through membership in NATO and the European Union, Portugal is also interested in political, diplomatic, economic, and any other kind of cooperation with Lusophone countries in South America, Africa, and Asia. The research results unequivocally show that there is a continuous interest of both sides in strengthening mutual ties and cooperation on numerous issues, despite the existing geographical distance and certain historically conditioned animosities. The conclusion is that Portugal is important for other Lusophone countries as a country that represents a bridge between them and Europe, while they are important for Portugal as markets and political allies on the international level, considering that within the European Union and the collective West in general, Portugal still represents a “periphery country”. In our research, we used the historical method, the analysis method, and the comparative analysis method.

Abstract ▼

The paper deals with the analysis of the relationship between the European Union and Turkey, examining European integration process as a limiting factor in the strategic development of Turkey. Despite the developed cooperation between Turkey and the European Union in numerous domains, this country has failed to advance towards EU membership. This research investigates the basic arguments in the context of strategic cooperation from the theoretical and practical perspective. The author aims to show that Turkey’s strategic directions in its foreign and domestic policy are key to understanding its relations with the European Union, and its positioning in broader international relations. Apart from that, the migration policy, analyzed in the article, also constitutes an important element in that regard. Skepticism and dissatisfaction regarding Turkey’s EU membership becomes a crucial issue when considering their future cooperation.