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The aim of the paper is reviewing the key elements of the system of contemporary climate change politics and law, as a unique system made up of entities at different levels (from global, through regional to national). The introductory part of the paper highlights the global characteristics of climate change and provides methodological notes. The first part of the paper is dedicated to the consideration of the basic elements of global climate change policy and law in light of the need for a systemic approach to legal climate protection. The provisions of international treaties are analysed: the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (Framework Convention), the Kyoto Protocol (KP), the Paris Climate Agreement (PA), and other relevant international treaties. The second part of the paper analyses the place that regional subjects have in global politics. An overview is also given of the way of implementing global international obligations through the national regulations of Serbia, Montenegro, and Croatia. The paper discusses the position that the legal system in the field of climate change is a unique system. The foundations of that system are defined by international treaties at the global level, and implementation is primarily ensured by the member states. The role of the ‘region’ and the possibility ofregional connections are not clearly emphasized, except in the part that refers to ‘regional organizations of economic integration’. In the conclusion, it is stated that the question of the role of the ‘region’ should be regulated in more detail in the context of a systemic approach to international law.

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This article illuminates the evolutionary path of the concept of national human rights institutions (NHRIs). Today, NHRIs are present in over a hundred countries around the world, with special status in the United Nations system. However, only a small amount of literature has dealt with what led to such a development. This article aims to fill that gap, especially in Serbian and regional literature. Therefore, it critically considers the key phases of the development of the NHRI concept, namely, from the adoption of the Geneva Guidelines in 1978 to the adoption of the Paris Principles in 1991 and their later embedding in the UN system through the decisions of UN bodies. Special attention is given to the models of NHRIs and the accreditation procedures of these institutions, which are unique in the UN system.

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The subject of analysis in this paper is the Hindutva phenomenon as the ideological basis of the Bharatiya Janata Party, the ruling political party in India. The phenomenon of Hindutva will be analysed in a broader social context as a kind of zeitgeist of Indian society and currently the most successful social driver in this country. The authors will give a detailed insight into the basic ideas behind this movement-ideology and analyse the actions of the most important pro-Hindutva social organisations and the goals of their socio-political actions. Finally, the authors will refer to the present situation in this country, that is, to the current consequences of the actions of the followers of Hindutva. The main conclusion of this research is that it points to the deep polarisation of Indian society created precisely by the actions of movements, parties, and individuals closely related to the ideology of Hindutva. The reason for writing this paper is the actuality of Hindutva ideology throughout India and the degree of expansive potential it possesses.

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The paper presents a complex picture of Nigerian society. Of the five factors that fuel conflict in Nigeria, the paper emphasises the religious divide. Nevertheless, the religious divide is not observed in isolation but in the context of other factors that provoke conflicts. These factors are ethnic division and economic factors, i.e., poverty. The paper analyses the ways in which religion influences conflict and seeks to delve into the complex web of Christian and Islamic identities in Nigeria. The change in the political pattern that took place in the presidential elections in March 2023 and the process of introducing Sharia law that began in the early 2000s were identified as challenges of particularimportance. Finally, the paper presents communication channels and conflict-resolution methods.

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The paper presents a comparative study of the position of the Roman Catholic Church in Nicaragua and Brazil in the conditions of the (new) leftist wave in Latin America. With the intention of understanding the complexity of the current situation and predicting future political behaviour, the author asks the following research questions: What does the attitude of the Roman Catholic Church towards the left-wing authorities in Latin America depend on? The aim of the paper is to explain the current position of the Roman Catholic Church in the so-called second pink tide and predict the development of church-state relations in these countries. The hypothesis is that the political behaviour of the Roman Catholic Church towards left-wing authorities, i.e., determination for confrontation or cooperation, is not conditioned only by the current situation on the ground but, above all, by the deeper institutional and ideological relationship between the church and the state. Using Daniel Philpott\'s theoretical framework, the author performs a comparative analysis of the relations between the Roman Catholic Church, i.e., national episcopal conferences, and leftist authorities in Nicaragua and Brazil. For this purpose, he uses the methods of content analysis (constitution and laws) and discourse analysis. He concludes that the relationship between the church and the state in Nicaragua represents conflictual differentiation, while in Brazil, consensual differentiation is at work. The author predicts that in the first case, the Roman Catholic Church, through the resistance of the regime, will strive for democracy, and in the second case, it will balance its (currently quite good) position to maintain its current position.

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Russia’s attack on Ukraine at the end of February 2022, which escalated into the Russian-Ukrainian war, led to significant changes in contemporary international relations. This article explores how the war changed the European Union and Russia’s relationship and affected the Eastern Partnership’s dynamics. The goal is to contribute to the ongoing dialogues about the complexity of the conflict and its profound implications for regional security and stability through the afore-mentioned aspects of the analysis. The main findings indicate that the events in Ukraine triggered in 2014 created a more complex security environment, significantly changing the previous dynamics of EU-Russia relations and increasing tensions. Tension culminated after Vladimir Putin’s bold proposals from December 2021, presented as a kind of ultimatum that should have ensured Russia a fair place in the new European security architecture, were left without a response from the West. After the Russian attack on Ukraine, in an effort to achieve security and broader European stability, there was a need for a redesign and change of focus in the European security architecture. However, not in the way that Russia demanded. Furthermore, the Ukraine crisis and Russia’s subsequent attack on the country have raised concerns among the EU’s eastern neighbours about their security and sovereignty. That is why, despite the challenges of implementing political and economic reforms, these countries received increased support from the EU through the Eastern Partnership. Moreover, although the previous forms of cooperation did not provide a possibility for the membership of these countries in the EU, Ukraine and Moldova also received the status of membership candidates. The war in Ukraine also highlighted the limits of the EU’s normative power, underscoring the importance of hard power, further enhancing defence cooperation at the EU level, and cooperation with NATO as a collective defence mechanism. Thus, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict has had a profound and lasting impact on the security dynamics of Europe, reshaping the interactions of key regional actors.

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Relations between the EU and the Russian Federation have traditionally been characterised by a dichotomy of cooperation and political conflict. The history of the complex relationship between two actors is a result of the joint action of numerous factors in the context of complex political, economic, and security interactions. The paper analyses the future of relations between the EU and Russia through the prism of the Ukrainian crisis and ongoing military conflict based on the assumptions of the neoclassical realism theory. Starting from the thesis that the war in Ukraine has additionally sharpened complicated relations between the EU and Russia, exposing controversial issues presented in various aspects of mutual relations, the paper analyses the possibilities for a reset of relations between two powers, examining preconditions for a possible meaningful existence in the upcoming time. The conclusion is that the critical strategic assessment and shared responsibility of both conflicted actors, in this case the EU and Russia, represent the initial basis for potential less confrontational relations in the foreseeable future. At this demanding international moment, finding preconditions for a sustainable modus vivendi between the EU and Russia has to be a priority and probably the only realistic scenario for sustainable coexistence in the future.

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After the civil war in Moldova in 1992, when separatist forces with the help of Russia ended the conflict and established control overthe left bank of the Dniester, the self-proclaimed “Pridnestrovie” developed into a territory that possessed various elements of statehood without international recognition. By improving relations between the EU and Moldova through the European Neighbourhood Policy, the joint action plan “EUMAP” was adopted, in which the EU emphasised the resolution of the conflict in Pridnestrovie as one of its priorities. Accordingly, the research question of this article is: “What are the results of the political and normative approach of the EU towards Pridnestrovie?”. After the introduction and conceptualization of the topic according to the framework of the \\\"Normative Power Europe\\\" concept, the scope and effectiveness of the normative action of the EU towards Pridnestrovie are analysed in compliance with the proposed mechanisms of norm diffusion. At the end of the paper, the author concludes that the European Union faces limitations in terms of using its complete political potential in Pridnestrovie, as a result of which it tries to fully integrate the separatist region into its own sphere of economic influence as a defence mechanism against the potential spillover of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

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The article attempts to identify the ideological and value bases of the national identities of Russian and Serbian youth, two Slavic countries with strong ties. The phenomenon of the national identity of modern Russian and Serbian youth is of particular interest to comprehend. These two countries experienced the transit of power and the transformation of collective self-images in the early 1990s and have a lot in common: cultural and linguistic ties; the experience of living in the Soviet political system; the collective trauma of the statehood collapse; and the following growth of nationalism. On the other hand, it is clear that many of those factors are changing. Thus, at the current stage, the common Slavic identity is losing its former ideological-theoretical and value-semantic content. The hypothesis of the study is that the ideas, meanings, and values that form the basis of the Slavic identity can become one of the factors in the consolidation of Russian and Serbian society, especially in the context of the formation of the national-state identity of modern youth. In addition, the dominants of public consciousness and value-semantic matrices identified in the research will make it possible to build a productive dialogue between our countries that have a similar civilizational code. This is relevant in the current situation of international tension, which will have long-term consequences