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Military interventionism, a unilateral and coercive practice in international politics, is widely discussed in scholarly literature. However, key aspects, such as a consolidated definition of military intervention and the complex geographical features involved, remain insufficiently conceptualised. Evidence, including the economic rise of non-Western powers, the politico-military ascendance of Russia and China, and the growing prevalence of asymmetric threats, signals a shift from a unipolar to a multipolar global system. This article examines the extent to which great powers are inclined to intervene in neighbouring regions compared to peripheral areas within different structural contexts of the international system and offers potentially relevant factors to be considered while analysing similar cases that might occur, notwithstanding who is the intervening actor. This research briefly introduces justifications for three past interventions—in Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, and Iraq—to identify the role of geographic positioning in justifying interventionism. This study explores centreperiphery dynamics and factors influencing military interventions. It offers insights into China’s foreign policy behaviour as it manoeuvres its role as a “hesitant hegemon” in the current international system.

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The stability of the international order primarily depends on the power relations between revisionist and status quo powers. The first are the bearers of changes in the character of international politics, while the second are the guardians of existing rules and practices. Rising powers seek to reshape the order constructed under the patronage of the existing hegemon. The paper explores the character of China\\\'s relations as a growing power towards the international order shaped at the end of the Cold War since Xi Jinping came to power. The theoretical framework is represented by the theory of balance of interests, primarily relying on the categorisation of revisionist states into the camp of “wolves”, irreconcilable opponents of the existing and bearer of new orders, and “jackals”, moderately powerful states focused on partial revisions of the current situation in the long term. The analysis works on two levels, systemic and state, indicating the specific positioning of China between the “wolf” and the “jackal”. From a theoretical point of view, it points to a possible new classification of a potential superpower striving for a long-term reshaping of the international order and avoiding sudden and premature risks.

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Using the network of Serbian diplomatic missions as a case study, this paper examines the relevance of four political determinants influencing the configuration of diplomatic networks as established in existing scholarly literature. These determinants are the geographic proximity of the host country, its military and economic power, reciprocity of diplomatic representation, and ideological closeness between the host country and the sending country. Additionally, three other political factors specific to the Republic of Serbia were tested: the presence of ethnic Serbs or Serbian citizens in the host country, the host country’s stance on the status of Kosovo and Metohija, and its position on membership in military alliances. The research results indicate that all seven political determinants are relevant for shaping the Serbian diplomatic network, despite minor deviations concerning the third determinant and more significant ones concerning the fourth. An additional significance of this paper is the examination of the relevance of these seven determinants for the configuration of the Serbian defence attaché network.

Abstract ▼

The relationship between science, technology, war, and military forces that manifests in multidimensional space represents a non-linear system. The tendency to create an orderly system from then on-linear is natural. It is desirable to make decisions with utter certainty, but in practice, this imposes risks on the framework of the military system’s operational structure. Bearing in mind the uniqueness and potential of future applications, the question arises as to how the introduction of artificial intelligence will affect the change in the use of military forces. The problem defined in this paper is solved through the analysis and consideration of the multi-layered implications of artificial intelligence in the context of strategy and doctrine while following the necessary resources. The study is based on contemporary political and technological concepts, considers political, military, legal, and ethical perspectives, identifies opportunities, challenges, and open questions, and offers comprehensive observations. Assuming that artificial intelligence will manage to operationalize at least part of the postulate of autonomy in the near future, in light of rapid technological development, this paper provides insight and a pathway to advance further thinking, research, and policy making for the proper integration, management, and use of artificial intelligence in the military.

Abstract ▼

In the context of global security concerns, modern states undertake numerous activities to mitigate the risks associated with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The Republic of Serbia is also involved in these activities, recognizing the importance of countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in its legal and strategic documents. This paper provides an overview of the broader historical context of legislative development in this field, as well as the most significant international instruments, including initiatives, agreements, and treaties that Serbia implements. The research questions this paper aims to answer are: Has the Republic of Serbia implemented all relevant international documents for preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, including international agreements, conventions, and resolutions? How does the existing legal framework respond to current regional and global security challenges, and what are the strengths and weaknesses of this framework in the context of its implementation? The core of this paper is the analysis of Serbia’s existing legal framework for preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, as well as the assessment of its strengths and weaknesses in addressing the multiple challenges posed by this type of weaponry. In this way, an in-depth insight is provided into the legal and regulatory measures, international cooperation, and the technological landscape influencing the spread of weapons of mass destruction. Special attention is given to examining security challenges, risks, and threats, both regional and global, to identify potential areas for action where the existing legal framework of Serbia could be improved. The paper emphasizes the importance of raising public awareness and education, as well as fostering a culture of responsibility and vigilance against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

Abstract ▼

In the era of digitalization, the internet has become a fundamental tool for information, communication, education, and social engagement. The question of whether access to the internet should be recognized as a separate fundamental human right has become omnipresent. Free access to the internet is of paramount importance for the realization of many key human rights, such as freedom of expression, education, and access to information. However, unequal access to the internet deepens social inequalities. Recognizing and implementing a new human right is a lengthy process. This paper will first highlight why the internet is essential for the realization of human rights and the correlation between the potential human right to internet access and other human rights. Then, doctrinal approaches to recognizing free access to the internet as a human right will be examined. International instruments recognizing the need to acknowledge the right to internet access will be analyzed, followed by national legislations that have followed this trend. The paper will then examine the practice of the European Court of Human Rights on this issue. The paper emphasizes the significance of the right to access the internet in improving the position of persons with disabilities Finally, attention will be given to the digital divide and other obstacles to recognizing this right as a fundamental human right.

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This paper analyses the accession process of the Republic of Serbia to the European Union, focusing on the period from 2018 to 2022 in the area of political institutions whose reforms are required for Serbia to meet the Copenhagen criteria. By analysing the political aspect of the Copenhagen criteria, the state of political institutions in the Republic of Serbia is presented. The National Assembly, political parties, and independent bodies are institutions that should secure the functioning of society as a system, meet citizens’ demands, and prepare for reforms and modernisation. The paper aims to present some of the challenges these institutions face and prevent or slow down the reform of the legal system of the Republic of Serbia. Through an analysis of the Commission\'s reports, public opinion surveys on trust in institutions, and statements of high-ranking European and Serbian officials, the paper will show what progress Serbia has made in the previous period, taking into account the functioning of these institutions.