Abstract ▼

The aim of the paper is to review the shortcomings of the content of the Convention on the Prevention and punishing the crime of genocide in relation to the interpretation of its creator Rafael Lemkin, in order to identify potential agents and factors political influence on the prosecution of the crime of genocide. In the introductory part points to the omitted Lemkin methods of genocide prescribed in Conventions and the application of certain legal institutes with pronounced political narrative, which have been confirmed in the work of international criminal courts (ICTR and ICTY) and certain non-governmental organizations, with a tendency to find solutions in limiting political influence on the implementation of the Convention. In proving the connection between politics and genocide, that is, the execution degree arguments misuse of the concept of genocide for political purposes, such as relevant indicators will be used: content of the Convention, certain legal institutes derived from cases of international criminal courts, positions and opinions of the judges of the International Court of Justice on genocide, but also of individuals non-governmental organizations in proving the crime of genocide. Systematizing given parameters into one whole, a conclusion about the elements would be derived genocide, on the basis of which the existing one could possibly be upgraded the definition of genocide in accordance with Lemkin\\\'s principle questions, inter for whom the primary issue is the politicization of genocide.

Abstract ▼

Since the moment the term Serbian World entered broader public discourse, it has been continuously associated with the concept of Russkiy Mir. Therefore, this study adopts a comparative analytical approach, aiming to systematically examine both concepts in order to identify their similarities and differences. In addition, the research employs qualitative content analysis of selected public statements made by prominent societal actors in which comparisons between the Serbian concept and Russkiy Mir are explicitly drawn. This approach is particularly important for understanding the Serbian World and for placing it in the context of similar ideological constructs. Given that it represents a mental construct, the study also focuses on the processes of mental framing of the world, as interpreted primarily by non-Serbian, that is, regional political and academic elites, along with the broader processes of conceptualization of reality. Based on the findings, the paper concludes that it is primarily opponents of the concept who characterize the Serbian World as a borrowed idea modelled after its supposed Russian counterpart, with the intention of discrediting it in public discourse. These critics assume that the Serbian World carries territorial implications, imperial aspirations, and a tendency toward redrawing national borders. However, the research results indicate that despite certain similarities, the concept of the Serbian World was not modelled on Russkiy Mir, but constitutes an authentic idea grounded in the interests of the Serbian people and its political elites.

Abstract ▼

The primary aim of this paper is to elucidate the influence of neo-conservative paradigms on the transformation of the political landscape in Central Europe, with a particular focus on four EU member states from the Visegrád Group. The author argues that conservative forces in the region are seeking to establish their own geopolitical paradigm, thereby constructing a foundation for broader political legitimization, through the promotion of strengthened national autonomy, historical and cultural continuity, and traditional values. These efforts are not merely intended to counterbalance the dominant liberal democratic principles and discourses of the European Union, but also to articulate an alternative narrative framework for critically reassessing those very principles. In this context, conservative actors (including those often labeled “illiberal”) place significant emphasis on local traditions and identities, as well as on the importance of national sovereignty. This is occasionally accompanied by manifestations of so-called “political messianism,” in contrast to which supranational integration is frequently characterized as abstract, ambiguous, or even hegemonic. Drawing on the intersection of theoretical frameworks and methodological perspectives from various disciplines, including the history of European integration, identity studies, and populism, the paper seeks to shed light on the complex interrelations between neo-conservative ideological matrices, religious embeddedness, and ethnic affiliation. In doing so, it contributes to a deeper understanding of the contemporary political constellations and challenges faced by Central Europe.

Abstract ▼

The article explores the development, challenges, and future prospects of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in light of the evolving concept of EU strategic autonomy. Through a comprehensive historical and legal analysis, the authors trace the institutional evolution of CFSP from its early attempts at political unification to its current form, highlighting persistent obstacles rooted in national sovereignty and intergovernmental decision-making. The Russian aggression against Ukraine serves as a current example, demonstrating the CFSP’s structural weaknesses, especially the reliance on consensus. The authors argue that genuine strategic autonomy requires deeper institutional reform, technological and industrial capacity building, and a redefinition of EU external action in a multipolar world marked by rivalry among major powers. The paper concludes that the EU’s survival as a global actor depends on overcoming internal divisions, reinforcing its normative identity, and adopting a coherent strategy that balances autonomy with transatlantic and multilateral cooperation. Without such reform, CFSP risks remaining a declaratory policy, inadequate for the demands of the current geopolitical environment.

Abstract ▼

The implementation of the human security concept (HS) entails the operationalisation of theoretical postulates to mitigate orreduce the intensity of threats that jeopardise individuals and communities. The implementation of state policies and strategies that affect the level of human security is based on the top-down principle. On the other hand, the operationalisation, i.e., the implementation of citizen-related security activities, requires the bottom-up implementation to respond as quickly as possible. The disadvantage of the described situation is that state strategies rarely change and are often inconsistent with altered circumstances at lower levels. At the strategic level, a state, as an inert structure, is slow to respond to the requirements of the situation to protect the interests of its citizens. In practice, this scenario leads to problems in the efficiency of the implementation of activities affecting the state of citizens’ security at the local level. The delay and mismatch between the strategic level (changing the national strategy and its operationalisation) and the level of meeting the needs of citizens require the introduction of new elements of the institutional structureto bridge the gap between the strategic and operational levels. This approach can be called security system hybridisation, conceptually realised in the appropriate form of the Hybrid Security Architecture (HySec). Hybridisation, in this context, involves upgrading the political system and reforming the security sector with the appropriate use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT). Conceptually and functionally, the HySec structure connects a knowledge-based analytical framework (the concept of human security) with concrete data obtained from citizens orrepresentatives of their associations. The results of the work of both components are superimposed and used for integral management, as well as for predicting the future HS status. In this way, the harmonisation of state and non-state actors in the field of security is achieved through the implementation of policy-making activities and the development of operational programmes to raise the level of security and realise human rights at the level of local communities. By hybridising the security system in an infrastructural form through a decentralised computer network, based on a hybrid cloud architecture with multiple levels of access, it can encourage citizen participation and thus contribute to the achievement of HS goals.

Abstract ▼

The frequency of military coups in Africa increased following the independence wave and then stabilised, particularly during the democratic transition phase that began in the early 1990s. However, coups have resurged in recent years to the extent that they have become one of the quickest and most straightforward means of seizing power on the continent. This paper examines the crises of coups in Africa within the context of international law. In doing so, it aims to enhance understanding and provide insights into potential solutions. To achieve this objective, tools specific to history, political science, and international law were used. This paper employed document analysis, causal analysis, comparative analysis, and case studies. The findings reveal the inadequacy of international rules in addressing and preventing the crises. Furthermore, these rules frequently leave loopholes that allow coup plotters to legitimise their actions and evade accountability. Therefore, a balanced approach that integrates the strengths of both soft and hard law may be essential for enhancing existing mechanisms and developing new strategies that prioritise prevention, promote good governance, and ensure accountability for coup leaders.

Abstract ▼

The topicalisation of the green economy has gained attention in the Balkan Peninsula. While other EU countries have made significant progress on various greening policy issues, the Western Balkan countries (WBCs) are moving at a slower pace. The WBCs show substantial potential; they possess the capacity for growth, and regulations regarding greening have improved considerably. However, the transition from a brown to a green economy is progressing slowly. The expansion of green transition finance concepts, through measures such as green foreign direct investment, development aid, green loans, and green bonds, has revealed many limitations of traditional investment approaches. By analysing the current situation in EU-Serbia relations and Serbia’s capacities and potential concerning greening policy, we conduct an analysis that draws analogies from various aspects of the effectiveness of green investments in the economic sectors. The study identifies the role of financing in the economic growth of the WBCs. It also examines the role of EU development assistance, the main trading partner of the Western Balkans region (WBR). This research provides concrete recommendations for economic policymakers to enhance the efficiency of financing the green transition, thereby contributing to the development and modernisation of the WBCs.

Abstract ▼

This paper analyzes Saudi Arabia’s nuclear aspirations, particularly in the context of Iranian nuclearization. The primary objective is to identify the key factors driving Saudi Arabia’s nuclear ambitions. The central research question guiding this analysis is: Does the accelerated development of Iran’s nuclear program serve as a catalyst for Saudi Arabia’s own nuclear ambitions? The theoretical framework underpinning this study is rooted in the balance of threat theory, developed within the realist school of international relations. Methodologically, the study relies on content analysis and discourse analysis. Research findings suggest that the rapid development of Iran’s nuclear program is a key factor elevating the existing Iranian threat to a new level— one deemed unacceptable to Saudi Arabia, especially in light of its perception of Iran’s aggressive intentions. The paper concludes that, despite its current lack of infrastructure and technological capability to match Iran in the short term, Saudi Arabia is likely to pursue a latent nuclear capability. This course of action is particularly plausible amid growing uncertainty surrounding extended deterrence from its allies. In doing so, Saudi Arabia is expected to adopt a strategy of nuclear hedging, similar to that employed by Iran.