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Deterrence in the Russian Federation is regulated in detail in strategic documents, which is covered in this research. The public prescription of the actions of the armed forces, security services and foreign policy of the Russian Federation in relation to threats to the state, as well as the announcement of their actions by the political and military elite of this great power, is one of the characteristics that have characterized the deterrence methodology of the Russian Federation for decades. The deterrence concepts of the Russian Federation have been adapted to current threats, opportunities and information-technological progress, because the sluggishness in monitoring changes in huge systems, which can hardly keep up with rapid changes in development, types and quantity of usable weapons, tools, etc. systems of deterrence, which very often require decades of development, but this deficiency is compensated by the rapid adaptation of the non-intelligence activities of the security services in the political, economic, propaganda, paramilitary, etc. activities with a special emphasis on deterrence in the information domain. Considering that ever since the conclusions of the Hoover Commission in 1954, that if the United States of America wants to survive, the concept of „fair play\" must be reconsidered, that is, it must be learned to subvert, sabotage and destroy the enemies with smarter, more sophisticated and more effective methods than those which are used against the USA.

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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 reshaped the foundations of European security. In response, Sweden and Finland abandoned decades of military nonalignment and transitioned towards NATO membership. This paper examines how, during the accession process (2022–2023), Finland and Sweden strategically reframed existing regional institutions, such as NORDEFCO, the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy, NATO-EU coordination mechanisms, and Nordic-Baltic forums, into instruments of political influence and normative action. Drawing on postulates of alliance theory (Walt’s balance-of-threat and Snyder’s alliance security dilemma), institutional regionalism, and theories of security alignment under crisis (Lake’s hierarchy model and Acharya’s regional security frameworks), we analyse how functional cooperation forums were transformed into platforms for strategic signalling, anticipatory coordination, and “soft deterrence”. Official statements and political speeches show that regional forums were used to demonstrate unity, coordinate defence efforts, and maintain deterrence throughout the period leading up to complete NATO integration. Partnerships that had previously focused on technical or economic cooperation took on a new role, helping align Nordic defence practices with those of allied structures and providing political legitimacy for the security transition. In this context, regional institutions acted as a bridge towards formal military alignment, supporting collective defence before treaty commitments were in place.

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The author analyzes the response of European Union institutions to the socio-political crisis in Serbia (2024–2025) in the context of normative power, as well as the key actors and motives involved. The research examines how the European Union, as a normative power, influences the establishment of the rule of law in Serbia in the context of protests as a manifestation of a deeper political crisis. The author poses a question whether EU institutions primarily reinforce their normative engagement through discourse rather than through concrete actions aimed at strengthening the rule of law in Serbia. Is there a difference between various forms of the EU’s normative role and a discrepancy among the institutions in that regard? An additional aim is to explore the role of actors such as the student movement, the academic community, and the National Convention on the European Union in the context of normative entrepreneurship and norm diffusion. Methodologically, the study combines content analysis of key documents – such as the European Parliament’s resolution on Serbia (May 2025) and the European Commission’s rule-of-law report (July 2025) – with discourse analysis of the European Parliament’s September plenary debate. The author finds that the positions of these institutions indicate growing EU dissatisfaction with the state of democracy, and particularly the rule of law, and that the previous declarative and selective commitment to European integration can no longer be regarded as sufficient proof of dedication to the European path. The paper concludes that the protests in Serbia, as a manifestation of a broader socio-political crisis, together with the aforementioned non-state actors, act as a corrective mechanism for the EU’s normative power, exposing the gap between the normatively oriented narrative and its faulty implementation. The crisis also highlights the Union’s questionable capacity to apply conditionality mechanisms more consistently, with the European Parliament showing greater normative consistency than the European Commission, alongside certain indications of stronger normative engagement, primarily through a sharpening of the narrative.

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With the growing academic, political, and media interest in energy issues over the past few decades, there has been a noticeable emergence of new and/or redefinition of existing concepts addressing these issues from various disciplinary perspectives. One such conceptual framework is energy regionalism. Although often unjustifiably overlooked, the regional level of analysis, alongside global and national levels, can offer valuable insights into key issues of energy security and energy policy. Accordingly, the aim of this paper is to synthesize the most significant perspectives on energy regionalism and to shed light on how some of the key energy related issues interact with regionalization processes. The outcomes of such dynamics are so-called energy regions, characterized by a diversity of actors, governance practices, and norms regulating the established relations. Although the development of the energy regionalism concept is still in its early stages, the analysis highlights the need for further critical examination and refinement of the concept, especially considering that certain energy-related issues may have transformative implications for the social and political dynamics of a region.

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The paper examines the deterioration of regional relations and stability in the Western Balkans, focusing on the foreign policies of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), beginning with the onset of acute tensions in 2021. The study employs a comparative foreign policy analysis within a constructivist theoretical framework, arguing that identity-based concerns and disputes are the primary drivers of foreign policy in both states, often to their mutual detriment. Using interpretive process tracing, we observe how conflicting national identities and national roles, as well as incompatible identity narratives, undermine regional reconciliation and stability. The findings indicate that identity-based competition founded on concerns of incompatible moral superiority and legitimacy claims between Serbs and Bosniaks generates diplomatic and political crises. Since the two nations primarily use their foreign policies to pursue identity-driven interests, reconciliation is significantly hindered. The findings therefore suggest the need for a more pragmatic foreign policy approach based on the de-escalation of tensions and the avoidance of unproductive identity conflicts, which can lead to major crises and further deterioration of relations.

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One of the important phenomena of international politics in the decades after the end of the Cold War is the rise of Russian-Chinese relations, which Presidents Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping in 2022 described as “friendship without limits”. The initial unifying element was provided by the threat perception embodied in American policy during the enormous imbalance in resources between the leading powers in the system. However, the identification of a significant common threat and the increasingly intense partnership have not, for now, resulted in the formation of a military alliance between the two states. The traditional approaches of the balance of power or the balance of threat does not provide an explanation for this empirical phenomenon. The paper points out, from the perspective of neoclassical realism, the specific characteristics of states dissatisfied with the existing international order that can encourage or limit the establishment of alliances. For revisionist powers, these are the scope of advocated changes to the existing international order and the risk appetite for their implementation. In the context of Russian-Chinese relations, although both powers are interested in limited changes to the order, there is a difference in risk appetite. Russia has become progressively more risk-averse since the end of the Cold War, culminating in the War in Ukraine in 2022, while China, despite its ambitious strategy, has maintained a higher degree of risk aversion. A differentiated approach to risk reflects on the relationship between potential allies. Asymmetric readiness to use force has limited the possibility of developing Russian-Chinese relations into a classic military alliance.

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This study explores China’s health diplomacy in Africa during the first two years of the COVID-19 pandemic, employing an anthropological perspective to analyze diplomatic relations. The research question asks: How did the discourses and practices of Chinese medical assistance shape relations with African countries amid a global crisis? The context encompasses the historical cooperation between China and Africa, from independence movements to the Belt and Road Initiative, focusing on the pandemic period characterized by donations of vaccines, medical equipment, and expert teams. Analysis of media sources and reports from China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicates fluid diplomatic practices, where discourses of solidarity and strategic cooperation coexist with national priorities. China strengthens its global influence by securing African support in international forums, while Africa leverages aid for health security and developmental goals. The anthropology of diplomacy underscores the importance of understanding the cultural and historical contexts of these relations, where vaccine donations and medical aid foster mutual trust and cooperation. As China promotes the image of a global partner, African countries actively align their priorities with this partnership, striving to achieve their own developmental goals. Future ethnographic research could contribute to a deeper understanding of how local communities perceive this aid, thereby shaping fairer global health policies aligned with African aspirations.