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The work analyzes the course, contents and political process of the pension reforms in the SFRY successor states. The role of the World Bank, as the most powerful international financial institutions, which have had a very significant role in this process, is especially highlighted. Besides the principal opposition to the concept of the World Bank and assistance to the trade unions regarding education of their delegates, the role of the International Labor Office and International Social Security Association proved to be not much important. The impact of domestic participants was particularly analyzed, which, according to the conclusion of this study, was dominant.

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Private enforcement of competition law is gaining ground in Europe. The European Commission has made a number of reform attempts aimed at harmonizing and further endorsing private enforcement on a European scale. This paper discusses the key solutions proposed by the European Commission in its Green Paper and White Paper on Damages Actions for Breach of EC antitrust rules as well as the new draft directive.

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Racism, racial affiliation, identity and inter-racial conflicts that have been present on the threshold of the new millennium are a continuous and inexhaustible socio-political and security topic. With their complex nature, these issues are a subject of numerous discussions and interpretations within various contexts and for various purposes, whose contents are more or less ideological. This is an attempt to analyse and impartially present security aspects of theoretical and doctrinary roots, factors and consequences of modern racism, racial division and interracial conflicts in developed and other societies, this particularly including transition ones. The paper also endeavours to find out the causes and mechanisms of racism transformation from the biological to the cultural level.

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This article analyzes Russian Federation’s initiative for the establishment of the New Security Architecture in Europe. It is trying to identify the “place” of this initiative in Russia’s foreign policy. The initiative was made public in June 2008 and since than it has been a part of the overall consideration of political and academic factors between Vancouver and Vladivostok. The author concludes that the Russian Federation has a strong and long reaching interest for success of the initiative, what would significantly put forward almost every group of Russia’s foreign policy objectives. Furthermore, the author finds that the continuation of this process alone has a positive impact on Russia’s foreign policy.

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The article “From Garašanin to Milovanović – Fifty years of geopolitical thinking in XIX Century Serbia“ deals with two important texts written by two well known Statemen and diplomats in Serbian foreign policy of XIX Century. The “Nacertanije” (The Project) was the work of Ilija Garasanin, a long-term serving Serbian Prime minister and Foreign afairs minister in the middle of XIX Century. It was the “secret project” designed at the foreign activities of Serbia and having in aim the liberation and unification of Serbian and South Sčavs lands. This policy had a crucial role in Serbian history until the 1th World War. Milovan Milovanović was Serbian Foreign afairs minister in the beggining of XX Century, during the well-known “annexation crisis” of Bosnia and on the wake of two Balkans wars (1908–1912). Milovanović’s article “Our foreign policy” from 1894. represents the continuity of geostrategic thinking in Serbia of that time, which have been started by the ”Nacertanije”. Milovanović have anticipitated in detail the context in which Serbia will find itself two decades later – in the wake of 1th World War: coallition with Russia, conflict with Austria-Hungary, the key issue of relationship between Serbia and Bulgaria for the outcome of the “Eastern question” in the Balkans. In conclusion, the text shows the flexibility of Milovanović’s diplomatic pracice, which, put in the context, may be compared with some aspects of today’s Serbian international situation (claim for application of interantional law and legality in international relations, struggle by peaceful means for interests of a small country, facing sceptical great powers, etc).

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The paper examines institutionalisation as the contribution to upgrading of both economic and social development. This implies a “public system of rules”, which defines agencies and positions with their rules and responsibilities, powers and immunities and the like. The distinction can be made between formal institutions, which determine the political system (government structure, civil rights, and administrative structure), economic structure (ownership rights, contracts) and informal institutions that determine informal norms of cultural values. The increase in the population welfare was the ultimate concern of development and hence, it was believed that economic growth would automatically ensure achievement of that goal. For a long time this had been the expression of a specific “obsession” with economic growth. Disillusionment came about when development theoreticians shifted the focus of their attention from economic growth to employment, income distribution and poverty issues. This confirms that without sound, legitimate institutions, based on knowledge and professionalism, it is not possible to attain progressive social changes. Employment growth is the most reliable indicator of development

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This study represents an attempt of author to describe the question of possible territorial delimitation between Croatia and Serbia on Danube River. After the demarcation of administrative line between former Yugoslav republics in 1945, the Danube had altered its’ riverbed, withdrawing Westwards from the East, thus de facto incorporating large areas of fertile land in territory of Vojvodina, Serbian northern province. Nowadays, Croatia requests the return of territory of approximately 11000 acres that had been “transferred” to Serbia due to alternation of Danube’s riverbed. Croatia bases this claim on so-called “historical rights” and measurements from cadastral survey register that had been carried out by the AustrianHungarian Empire’s officials. Those mainly went along the main current of Danube, and partially along Danube tributaries. On the other side, Serbia follows the changes of current of Danube and insists on the application of general rule for delimitation of border at Danube river along the main current (Thalweg) that proved to be the best in regards to downstream transport when the water altitude is at lowest point. On basis of the report of the Badenter Arbitration Commission, UN Security Council had adopted Resolution No. 777 and accepted the former inter-republics borders in former Yugoslavia as international borders, thus the Danube became border between Croatia and Serbia. However, in the case of delimitation on Danube River the application of the decolonization principle of uti possidetis has the limited effect of freezing the territorial status quo existing at the moment of independence of states. Because the clear legal title has not existed in the former Yugoslavia, the international law principle could be understood only in retrospective historical context which not precludes the parties from citing the contents of any indicia of title. From there, if the both states accept that the boundary follows a course of the Danube River at a certain point in history that may not coincide with the position of the river today. The application of the Thalweg as a general rule of delimitation preserves to each limitrophe State equality of right in the beneficial use of the Danube which may be important to unravel the actual confused boundary stands.

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The article deals with cultural heritage from the regional integration aspect. Apart from this, the paper points to the role of cultural heritage in integration affirmation. Both cultural heritage and regional integration will have significance if they realise themselves through their elements – parts that are integrated through the system. Therefore, economic, political, cultural and all other kinds of integrations in the region will have their justification and integrity in the full sense of the meaning when each of them and all they together are realised in the integrated system that is well-known as “regional co-operation”. Even in a theoretical and conceptual way, no integration in the region where Serbia is excluded can be treated as a regional integration. Integration is possible to achieve only when apart from the theoretical it also involves practical realisation of all its integral parts making a whole system – “regional integration”. A lack of cultural regional co-operation has been compensated by signing of numerous bilateral agreements. The failure to create regional integrations is caused by unsolved problems in the field of minority rights, territorial aspirations, frequent armed conflicts and influence of great powers.

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By making decisions on the part of the Council, Parliament, Commission and the Court of Justice as well as by supporting transnational inter-governmental and non-governmental networks the EU is taking an important role in the identity transformation in Europe. One aspect is the fact that national identities are becoming more comprehensive, regional more pronounced and social groups direct their efforts towards European institutions. The EU and the European Council strive to protect languages of minorities. National identities are deeply rooted in the basic structure and functioning of the EU. This also relates to daily activities of institutions as well as to special events as is, for example, signing of new treaties. The integration process does not make national identities more inclusive. Integration also redirects regional identities towards the European level and makes them more controllable by institutional structures that direct them from multiple levels. Identities are thereby overlapped more often than they are antagonised. The question is whether this implies weakening of national identities or the emergence of a new form of post-national identity in the EU.

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The obstacles to the process of ratification of the Lisbon Treaty were ended on 1 December 2009 when the Treaty came into force after it had been ratified by all EU member countries. The new Treaty the European Union relies upon is in practice regarded as a follow-up to the initiative for deepening of the political integration of Europe within new and changed conditions. The article presents the institutional changes provided by the Lisbon Treaty in the fields of foreign policy and European Union foreign relations. Special attention is devoted to the redefined role of High Representative for Common Foreign Policy and Security as well as to the newly established role of President of the European Council. The author also analyses the changes in the EU presidency system as well as the key changes in the defence and security policy, this also including the changes in the European Union institutional system.

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The democratic deficit is a concept invoked principally in the argument that the European Union and its various bodies suffer from a lack of democracy and seem inaccessible to the ordinary citizen because their method of operating is so complex. The view is that the Community institutional set-up is dominated by an institution combining legislative and government powers. This article examines, identifies and analyses three main theoretical approaches trying to solve complex issue of so called “structural democratic deficit”, in that it is inherent in the construction of the European Union as a supranational union that is neither a pure intergovernmental organization, nor a true federal state. Main theoretical views are focused on how to reconcile the principle of equality among nation states, which applies to international (intergovernmental) organizations, and the principle of equality among citizens, which applies within nation states.

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Majority of the problems related to the term “Western Balkans Identity” stems from the indefiniteness of what exactly is implied by this problematic and contextualised concept. The author points out that the instability in naming this area is also obvious in the creation of a particular identity. In the author’s opinion, Western Balkans is not a region that could have common identity based on certain number of common characteristics.

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The Common Security and Defence Policy has become one of the most dynamic EU policies in the last ten years, while this “superpower in the making” has ambitious plans for its further development. Therefore, it is important to determine how CSDP activities have been controlled. Since the parliament plays a key role in democratic systems concerning the oversight and legitimisation of executive political decisions the author focused attention on the parliamentary dimension of CSDP, namely on the parliamentary control of military operations conducted under its auspices. The complexity of CSDP parliamentary oversight architecture lies in substantial differences in respect to the parliamentary oversight among national legislative institutions of EU member states. This text highlights some of those differences, while the German Parliament was analysed as a good practice example in this field.

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Police co-operation is not a new “invention” or result of modern globalisation trends. There have been various modalities of police co-operation since it was established as a profession, but its institutionalised forms were created in the 19th century (partially or fully). In this paper, the author points to the elements of politicisation (and attempts of depoliticisation) of police co-operation in Europe before the beginning of the Second World War. He explores the ways police cooperation was used in this period for political purposes as well as for the fight against political opposition and opponents. Also, Germany was one of the key actors in the process of deepening police co-operation in Europe in the 19th and 20th century. Special attention is devoted to the activities of the Police Union of German States and the International Criminal Police Commission.