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Today, based on a large number of relevant indicators, we can assume with great certainty that the People\'s Republic of China (China) is one of the most important geopolitical and geoeconomic vectors of the multipolar international order. However, China\'s foreign policy has always been hard to understand to a number of experts in the field of international relations coming from the so-called western schools of thought for the simple reason that it was never shaped according to the \"rules\" of Enlightenment rationalism. Therefore, their methods, paradigms, theories and indicators, in response to the key question on the impact of peaceful development on Chinese geopolitical (re) positioning in the international order, give a partial and value-subjective answer. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the Chinese discourse of peaceful development between 2003 and 2012 when Hu Jintao was the head of China and to answer the question raised from a different angle. In the first part of the paper, the issue of the economic rise of China, its demographic, diplomatic and geopolitical power in the eyes of the Western states will be discussed in the light of the potential challenges for the already established norms of state behavior in the international environment. The second part of this paper will be devoted to the critical explanation of the concept of peaceful development in light of the way in which it is created, while the third part deals with its essential importance in practical confirmation and execution through China\'s foreign and political activities.

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The Federal Republic of Germany is one of the pillars of the modern European Union. As the most populous country in the EU with 82 million inhabitants whose economy is on the pedestal among the European economies, its impact on the functioning of the European mechanism in times loaded with the various crises crushing the Union, is, unavoidably, extremely great. The increasing power of Germany, as a consequence of its economic power, has influenced many Europeans to begin to perceive Germany again as a potential European hegemon. The main task of this paper is to determine whether the claims about the alleged German hegemonism in the EU are based on realistic assumptions on the case of 3 crises whose repercussions affect not only the EU but also the entire European continent. The crises include the Eurozone crisis, the migrant crisis, as well as the Ukrainian crisis. All of these crises have shown Berlin has a potential to lead the EU, while also pointing to the challenges it faced in an attempt to direct the rocking EU boat to a safe port. Although Germany is undeniably the strongest state of the European Union in economic terms, such degree of domination has not been achieved in the political sphere.

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The current geopolitical moment in which we can undoubtedly feel the rhythms of the First World War has imposed for decades the consideration of the unstable situation in Southeastern Europe and the Middle East, provoking interest in the real causes of such events. The question arises as to why the former Yugoslavia was, and now Syria is the most malignant conflict on the planet? The insight into the constitution of the Kingdom of SHS and the Kingdom of Syria through the prism of diplomatic, military and economic and political processes that almost a century ago resulted in the formation of \"artificial\" unsustainable state structures in space of strategic importance for preserving the domination of the great powers, can shed some light on the contemporary processes in these territories.

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According to many, the Pinochet case is one of the most important guiding processes in international law. Besides the international law factors, the case was \"coloured\" by the influence of high international and domestic politics, activism, NGOs and other fighters for human rights, as well as personal characteristics and biographies of some judges and other authorities in the process. In addition to the problem of the jurisdiction of the British courts, the central issue of the process was the question of General Pinochet’s immunity. Another indication of the importance of the case is the dispute about the \"supremacy\" of two international legal obligations with the character of ius cogens during this process – the obligation to respect the immunity of the head of state in relation to the obligation to prosecute criminal acts of torture. This is why this process should represent a turning point in international law regarding the prosecution of criminal acts committed by senior state authorities towards their citizens.

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The key subject of this article is the phenomena of bicultural identity’s transformation in the context of its integration into a wider multicultural entity. The term “cultural” is for the purpose of this article narrowed to a direct relation with territorialized ethnic identity. The article is focused on embedding bicultural identities into the process of intercultural communication and multicultural entities. This process is analysed on the case study of the Western Balkans states in the context of eurointegration, with emphasis on the example of building the independent Montenegrin state. The main hypothesis of this article is that the process of intercultural communication and multicultural society as a precondition has the opposite process - previously clear distinction of particular identities. In other words, the process of integration of different national identities into a wider community actually tends to sharpen distinctions between them than to relax the differences on their common path towards a new “super-identity.”

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The authors outline the role of BRICS in contemporary global relations, i.e. global relations at the beginning of the XXI century. The paper covers the entirety of the BRICS life cycle to date. It starts with the conception of the very term and concept, then examines practical linking between the BRICS countries and the establishment of permanent structures of cooperation, all the way to the newest challenges of institutionalization of this group. In conclusion, the authors explore the different possibilities of defining BRICS in the light of the latest trends in global relations.

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Traditionally bad relations between Serbia and Albania reached their peak in 2008, which was marked by the unilateral proclamation of independence of Kosovo and Metohija. Hostility in communication has been maintained despite some attempts of relaxation of relations until the change of regimes in Serbia and Albania in 2013 and the signing of the Brussels agreement between Serbia and the so-called ”Republic of Kosovo”, with which have begun the new era in relations between these two states. aspiring to the membership in the European Union, Serbia and Albania have decided to prove that they are ready to cooperate on this path towards the common goal. However, besides the undisputed approach of two states and the establishment of high-level relations, significant challenges like the Kosovo question stand in the path towards the full normalisation. Therefore, the intention of the author is to describe the processes and events that have characterized the relations between Serbia and Albania from 2008 until today in order to understand better the current conditions. Relying on analysis and synthesis, the author will show that despite the expressed aspiration for better and improved relations, Serbia and Albania are still far from an equal partnership, honest friendship and essential understanding in their inter-relations which continue to be burdened with numerous unresolved issues of high importance.

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The article focuses on evolution, outcomes and consequences of the Ukrainian crisis. this crisis, as the most serious security challenge in Europe since the end of the Cold War, dramatically worsened relations between Russia on the one side and the West on the other and left far-reaching negative consequences for international relations as a whole. the goals of this article are the analysis of the specific circumstances, interests and position of both Ukraine and the key international actors that have led to the Ukrainian crisis and will affect its further development. the attitudes of the key international actors, as well as the formulation of appropriate policies towards Ukraine, are the most demanding tasks and a test of the capabilities and limitations of a common approach and cooperation of the international community in resolving the security challenges in the PostSoviet space.

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Modern international relations are characterized by the core political integration processes. By intensifying the regional interconnections among the countries, especially those with similar historical and cultural factors, some new types of regional cooperation are being born, which besides political include their economic integration as well. The so-called “spill-over effect” from economic to the political sphere, initially introduced within post-war Europe, is being manifested at the moment within the Asian space with the highest level of dynamics. This effect was mostly caused by the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, whose geographical beginning compounds this space. as the vast space, Central Asia becomes the region with the increased geopolitical dynamics. this article aims at reviewing and systematizing academic literature which involves Kazakhstan’s foreign policy as a very important determinant of geopolitical dynamics in Central Asia. the author will present main vectors of the Kazakh foreign policy and its implications towards the regional peace and stability, as well as the key characteristics of bilateral relations with P.R. China, Russian Federation, turkey, and countries of the so-called “stan” space. Majority of academic papers assumes that even though Central Asian geopolitical dynamics is shaped by the collision of interests intertwining right in Kazakhstan, this country today represents a much more active political factor in Asian space. In this regard, the vast majority of academics identifies Kazakh capacity to significantly influence international relations through multilateral initiatives, which could set it to the middle range power status.

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In the paper, the history, character, geographic extent and future of geostrategic competition between India and China in the South Asian mainland, and in the maritime zone of the Indian Ocean, are presented and explained. the basic thesis of the paper consists of the attitude that, despite mutual economic cooperation and joint participation in certain international forums, such as BRICS, India and China are not political partners, but rather strategic rivals, whose current low-intensity competition may assume more violent forms and content over time. also, the assertion that, for the time being, China is in a more favorable position in the mainland, whereas India is still more dominant in the ocean due to the specific geographic conditions is presented and reasoned in this paper. In the final part of the paper, the author also makes a reference to the possible global consequences of the competition between the world’s two most populous nations.

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Considering its long history, complex nature and significant consequences, the Kashmir conflict is the subject of many scientific articles and agency reports. the Kashmir conflict is a distinctive feature of the past, present and future of Indian-Pakistani relations, and also a significant factor of instability in South Asia. therefore, the main goal of this paper is to gain insight into the genesis of the conflict, as well as to describe the current state of the Kashmir conflict. Firstly, using the methodological literature review procedure, the history of the Kashmir conflict is presented and then follow theoretical explanations of the origin and nature of this conflict. the central part of the paper focuses on the current dynamics of the dispute, followed by the presentation of some possible conflict solutions. Concluding remarks are given eventually.

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The paper analyzes the position of Taiwan (the Republic of China) in the east Asian power distribution from the Cold War \"pioneer of democracy,\" which had its first direct elections in 1996 and acted as a containment instrument to the growing power of the People\'s Republic of China, to a possible acquisition of the status of another Chinese special administrative region like Hong Kong and Macau. the work deals with the hypothetical prospect of Taipei to gain independence, with or without a direct conflict between the world\'s two largest economies, the People’s Republic of China and the United States.

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Southeast Asia is one of the world\'s (macro) regions with a noticeable strengthening of the influence of radical Islam. this primarily relates to its maritime part and especially the regions of Aceh and Sulawesi in Indonesia, South Philippines and Southern Thailand. In the continental part, the potential zone for the strengthening of the influence of radical Islam is the ethno-space of the people of Rohingya in the northeast of Myanmar. Frequent terrorist attacks and the cooperation of extremist groups from different countries have been one of the main characteristics of this region for the last 10 years. the article consists of four parts. the first part describes in detail what is meant by the term Southeast Asia and explains the classification of the maritime and continental part. the second chapter presents the historical process of spreading Islam in Southeast Asia, as well as the creation of a specific \"traditional Islam\" as the amalgam of local traditions and Muslim learning. the third part analyzes the causes of changes in the Muslim corpus and the growing activism of radical Islamic groups in the 21st century, while the fourth part is dedicated to concluding observations.

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The paper analyzes the significance and type of role which the European Union (EU) has had in the context of reaching reconciliation and resolving conflicts between Serbia and Croatia. The author starts with an assumption that the EU is focused on keeping peace and stability in the Western Balkans, by decreasing the tensions between Serbia and Croatia. However, the question arises how the EU has worked on decreasing these tensions, and how successful it was in achieving this task. Therefore, the emerging issues between Serbia and Croatia are analyzed in the period between 2012 and 2016. The author notices the disruption of relations between Serbia and Croatia after their respective governments changed, thus the starting point of the analysis is the moment when Tomislav Nikolić becomes the president of Serbia in 2012. After analyzing the way the EU has treated the issues which Serbia and Croatia faced, the author comes up with two conclusions. On the one hand, it is not evident that the EU is pressuring both sides to reach a comprehensive dealing with the issues and therefore it is suggested that the EU is not playing a constructive role in reaching reconciliation between Serbia and Croatia. On the other hand, if one focuses on reaching mere normalization of relations and removing problems from the daily political agenda, then one could say that the EU is effective in this position by playing the role of a neutral mediator. Since the author shows that the problems are mostly based on the past, it is concluded that the EU’s strategy for resolving problems was not successful and thus one can expect continued moments of the crisis between Serbia and Croatia.

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Migration as a process of population movement, can be referred to as a constantly ongoing phenomenon, unconditioned by time, but it cannot be denied that periodically, due to specific circumstances, it’s intensity rapidly increases, creating a series of short-term and long-term consequences, and from time to time even determining the paths of history. Precisely such a significant migratory wave is unfolding before us today. In this paper, we mark the three most important consequences of the current phenomenon. The first is the security challenge, primarily in terms of terrorism, which one of the greatest threats of our time. The second refers to the process of etnification of politics, although this is not in the center of attention of academic and public debate, it can serve as a foundation of long-term changes in regional policy and relations between European states. At last, there is the challenge that is placed before the European Union’s institutions, bodies and procedures, but also before the very spirit of European solidarity on which all of them rest. Finally, we will consider the perspectives that are ahead of Serbia in these challenging times.

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ABSTRACT The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), since its inception, has been the subject of some controversy, from the manner of its establishment, through the rules which regulate its procedure, to the case law it has spawned.32 From the complaints that it is “illegal and illegitimate”, through those related to the creation of new institutes unknown to the Convention, to the existing impression that the selective justice has been carried out, this Tribunal has walked a thorny path. However, one cannot say that it has reached its destination on that path. The primary task, the reason for its establishment – the prosecution of the responsible persons [...] – has only been partially achieved, as there is undisputed one-sidedness in the prosecution and conviction for the crimes committed during the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which represents one of the key objections to the Tribunal. Although it was established as an ad hoc court, and designed as a temporary institution, its mission continues despite the “completion strategy” and the plans for ceasing all the activities by the end of the year 2010.33 One can say that the hypothetical creator of the genocide in Srebrenica, although legally imperfect, represents our inevitable reality and its legal heritage creates real consequences in terms of both making uneven history and relativization of truth in our region.

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The author analyzes the relationship between the CSTO and NATO as well as CSTO efforts to establish cooperation between the two organizations of collective security with respect to the common challenges and recognizes the risks and security threats (international terrorism, illegal migrations, people and narcotic trafficking). The CSTO attempts at establishing relations and cooperation with NATO, lasted for ten years, from 2004 to 2014. NATO do not want the establishment of cooperation as the CSTO is viewed as an organization founded by Moscow to counter potential impact of the USA and NATO on the post-Soviet space. Further relations between the two organizations will directly depend on the resumption of the functioning of the Council NATO – Russia, whose work is suspended due to the conflict in Ukraine.

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The paper discusses the issue of the Western Sahara region, and the right of people to self-determination of Western Sahara. It includes an analysis of the occurrence of the resistance movement in the territory, the historical significance of this region, the relationship that the international community has for it as well as the attitude of the neighboring countries. The author attempts to draw attention to the indifference of the international community to address this problem. This paper deals with the analysis of the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice regarding the question of whether this territory constituted terra nullius, and what are the legal ties between this territory and other countries in the dispute, as well as Resolution 690 which guaranteed a referendum on this issue under the control of the UN. The author also draws attention to a constant, longstanding violations of basic human rights in the territory. In particular, it highlighted the importance of the great power for (not) solving this problem.

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Uncertain recovery of the global economy, geopolitical risks, future prices of oil and raw materials, volatile capital movements and low-interest rates determine current monetary policy to a large extent. Accommodative monetary policies and exit from such policies are the main challenges for monetary authorities. Although accommodative policies and low-interest rates following the outbreak of the crisis affected credit growth and capital inflow, their long-term application affects banks’ profitability and the emergence of new risks and hinders the return to conventional measures. However, the unconventional monetary policy is expected to continue and the exit from quantitative easing will be gradual, consistent with achieving the inflation target and sustainable economic growth. In such circumstances the support from fiscal policy and structural reforms is crucial.