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Relations between the EU and the Russian Federation have traditionally been characterised by a dichotomy of cooperation and political conflict. The history of the complex relationship between two actors is a result of the joint action of numerous factors in the context of complex political, economic, and security interactions. The paper analyses the future of relations between the EU and Russia through the prism of the Ukrainian crisis and ongoing military conflict based on the assumptions of the neoclassical realism theory. Starting from the thesis that the war in Ukraine has additionally sharpened complicated relations between the EU and Russia, exposing controversial issues presented in various aspects of mutual relations, the paper analyses the possibilities for a reset of relations between two powers, examining preconditions for a possible meaningful existence in the upcoming time. The conclusion is that the critical strategic assessment and shared responsibility of both conflicted actors, in this case the EU and Russia, represent the initial basis for potential less confrontational relations in the foreseeable future. At this demanding international moment, finding preconditions for a sustainable modus vivendi between the EU and Russia has to be a priority and probably the only realistic scenario for sustainable coexistence in the future.

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After the civil war in Moldova in 1992, when separatist forces with the help of Russia ended the conflict and established control overthe left bank of the Dniester, the self-proclaimed “Pridnestrovie” developed into a territory that possessed various elements of statehood without international recognition. By improving relations between the EU and Moldova through the European Neighbourhood Policy, the joint action plan “EUMAP” was adopted, in which the EU emphasised the resolution of the conflict in Pridnestrovie as one of its priorities. Accordingly, the research question of this article is: “What are the results of the political and normative approach of the EU towards Pridnestrovie?”. After the introduction and conceptualization of the topic according to the framework of the \\\"Normative Power Europe\\\" concept, the scope and effectiveness of the normative action of the EU towards Pridnestrovie are analysed in compliance with the proposed mechanisms of norm diffusion. At the end of the paper, the author concludes that the European Union faces limitations in terms of using its complete political potential in Pridnestrovie, as a result of which it tries to fully integrate the separatist region into its own sphere of economic influence as a defence mechanism against the potential spillover of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

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The article attempts to identify the ideological and value bases of the national identities of Russian and Serbian youth, two Slavic countries with strong ties. The phenomenon of the national identity of modern Russian and Serbian youth is of particular interest to comprehend. These two countries experienced the transit of power and the transformation of collective self-images in the early 1990s and have a lot in common: cultural and linguistic ties; the experience of living in the Soviet political system; the collective trauma of the statehood collapse; and the following growth of nationalism. On the other hand, it is clear that many of those factors are changing. Thus, at the current stage, the common Slavic identity is losing its former ideological-theoretical and value-semantic content. The hypothesis of the study is that the ideas, meanings, and values that form the basis of the Slavic identity can become one of the factors in the consolidation of Russian and Serbian society, especially in the context of the formation of the national-state identity of modern youth. In addition, the dominants of public consciousness and value-semantic matrices identified in the research will make it possible to build a productive dialogue between our countries that have a similar civilizational code. This is relevant in the current situation of international tension, which will have long-term consequences

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The global shocks of COVID-19 and the Ukraine war on FDI inflows in European countries, particularly Eastern Europe, have been subjects of a serious debate among EU policymakers. This study assesses the level of impact of the two global shocks on FDI in 39 European countries (ECs) and 20 Eastern European countries (EECs) from 2020 Q1 to 2022 Q4. For the comparative analysis, a static panel regression is used. Our findings demonstrate that variations in the levels of stringency measures related to COVID-19 in individual countries are significantly associated with increased FDI inflows. This suggests that investors will increase investment in countries with stricter measures to limit crises. While variations in COVID19 total cases are associated with increased FDI inflows in Europe but with decreased FDI inflows in Eastern Europe, we find that the crisis may have created new opportunities or incentives for foreign investors in Europe compared to Eastern Europe.

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The COVID-19 pandemic, coupled with the Russia-Ukraine war, has had disastrous consequences for the global economy. As a result of the crisis, the normal way of conducting business has changed drastically, and, with the ongoing Russian invasion in Ukraine, many governments and companies have taken immediate investment-related measures. Undoubtedly, the majority of Eastern European countries have been severely hit. It is therefore crucial to find out what impact these challenges have on foreign direct investment in these countries. To do so, the paper employs the panel data technique to estimate the impact of COVID-19 and the Ukrainian war on FDI in Eastern European economies from 1995 to 2022. The regression results show that both the pandemic and the war have discouraged foreign investment in the panel of countries considered in the sample. The results further indicate that per capita growth and trade openness are important determinants of FDI.

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In the current complex international situation, especially under the influence of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the inflow of FDI in Eastern European countries is seriously affected by geopolitical risks. However, there is a lack of research on this subject in Eastern Europe. Based on FDI inflow data in Eastern European countries and the political risk ratings of the ICRG from 2009 to 2020, this paper investigates the effect of geopolitical risks on FDI inflow to Eastern Europe using simple linear regression. It has been found that geopolitical risks have a significant negative impact on FDI inflows in Eastern European countries. However, further studies have found that signing RTAs can help alleviate this negative effect; actively carrying out bilateral trade or investment agreements is conducive to the development of FDI in host countries

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Times of crisis provide the opportunity to question the behaviour of socioeconomic agents and specific phenomena around economic growth’s resilience. Hence, this paper relies on econometrics to analyse the data compiled from secondary sources mainly available within the World Development Indicators to comparatively examine foreign investors’ behavioural shifts in Eastern Europe and Africa during significant crises that the world faced during the last two decades. The aim is to identify, through their impacts, the above behavioural shifts and thereby assist policymakers in advancing policies strengthening and nurturing foreign direct investments’ “FDI” resilience and maintenance during and post-crises. It was uncovered that foreign investors appear to reduce their exposure during crises in Eastern Europe and Africa. The decrease in inflows seems to be higher in Eastern Europe than in Africa. However, the change in net FDI effects on infrastructure, trade openness, and economic growth is more significant in African economies. It is therefore believed that, to nurture FDI resilience or maintenance post-crisis, lawmakers should infer policies supporting the reduction of FDI outflows, the development of infrastructure, the improvement of trade openness, and ultimately advancing a sustainable FDI agenda. Through an empirical analysis of the effects that crisis periods have on FDI in Eastern Europe and Africa, the paper gives suggestions regarding policies that encourage fostering FDI resilience and maintenance in these regions. However, while future research may build on the above, there is a need to particularly investigate how sustainable instruments may support FDI resilience during crises.

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In the time of industrial supply chain redesign due to COVID-19 and geopolitical risks, Eastern European Economies (EEE) can benefit from their strategic location and interdependent and interconnected manufactured structure to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), particularly in the semiconductor industry. As EEE emerges in the global semiconductor supply chain, they must balance FDI attraction with enhanced national security restrictions. By analysing the patterns of FDI inflows for 20 EEE over 2003– 2022, developing interdependence industrial indices, and assessing FDI restrictiveness, we find that the combination of higher trade interdependence in electronics industries, European integration, and more favourable FDI restrictiveness leads to higher FDI inflows to Eastern European Economies. The findings reveal that a higher level of semiconductor interdependence between Asian countries and EEE will positively correlate with an increase in FDI inflows to EEE. However, it has been verified that there is a weak negative correlation between the FDI in EEE and the OECD FDI restrictiveness index. Conversely, in prospects for strategic investment for the ICT, electric vehicle (EV) battery manufacturing, and automobile sectors in EEE, the concentration of FDI in the Western Balkans and other non-EU candidates may further increase, indicating the need to participate in the common FDI restrictions process to balance interests with core European values. At the same time, there is no evidence of a positive impact of increasing Chinese outbound FDI on FDI in EEE, indicating the Chinese preference for developed EU countries, while Germany serves as the main FDI origin in EEE.

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Russia’s full-fledged war on Ukraine, which started in February 2022, added major uncertainties to foreign direct investment (FDI) to and from Russia and affected it negatively in the short, medium, and long run. The degree of the hit would depend on the exact contents of sanctions and countersanctions in constant development. However, the severe consequences of some of them were already visible early on, adding to the financial strain caused by the war. FDI to and from Russia fell drastically in 2022 and, depending on the length and depth of the conflict, would remain sluggish in the subsequent years if no exit strategy is found to stop the conflict and its eventual escalation. This article concludes that the fall in FDI would, in the end, hurt the economic capacities of Russia, already affected by a previous round of sanctions imposed in 2014. If it works, decoupling the Russian economy from FDI partners by applying sanctions would be effective only partially and at a relatively high cost. That, in turn, could thwart the very economic fundamentals of the war effort.

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This article investigates the justification for extending the traditional notion of security to environmental issues, where the water problem occupies a significant place. The relatively new concept of \"water security\" is an integral part of modern security thinking, which is not exclusively reserved for military threats. Ecological security is becoming increasingly important in overall security studies, and water security is one of the most important future issues. The authors analyse one of the driest regions in the world, exploring the variable of water security as an element of overall conflict relationships. The Middle East and North Africa, although regions rich in oil as a first-class resource in the modern world, are very poor in drinking and irrigation water, which is also unevenly distributed. The problem is further complicated by the constant tensions and conflicts in this part of the world. This article uses a comparative method and analysis of state practices to examine the position of water security as a variable in the conflict. The authors conclude that water security is not a sufficient condition for starting wars, but it is of great importance as an element that intensifies existing conflicts and slows down peace negotiations. Water wars are still not our reality, but the authors do not rule them out as a possible future issue, given the constant deterioration of the situation and the amount of available water resources in this region. Water security will certainly be an element of the conflict in the foreseeable future because it cannot be overcome by importing water or perfecting desalination technology. Therefore, the authors emphasise the importance of researching this variable.

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Lately, international politics has been characterised by tensions among major powers that disrupt united action on global challenges such as the climate crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. In the context of the ongoing challenges that the European Union (EU) and the People\'s Republic of China (China) are facing, the nature of this partnership has been changing. Since the end of 2020, foreign policy tensions between the EU and China have been intensifying significantly. This is demonstrated by the mutual sanctions imposed on both Chinese and EU officials, the frozen process of ratification of the Comprehensive Agreement on Investments, as well as the more confrontational attitude of the EU towards China. On the other hand, although the EU does not freeze relations with China, it also does not have a coherent strategy towards China. From the perspective of a practical geopolitical approach, the article examines possible scenarios for this complex relationship in the future: further raising of tensions in EU-China relations, gradual mutual distancing, and perspectives for an optimistic outcome in relations between the two sides, with possible implications for the EU and its member states. The literature review, content analysis of relevant documents, discourse analysis, and the scenario method are the primary research methods. The main finding of the paper is that in the foreseeable future, the most certain scenario is the gradual distancing of the EU and China, which could be characterised as a deteriorated status quo. In addition, the paper analyses the possible consequences of the negative outcome of the situation and how the further deterioration of relations would affect trade and investment, increase import costs, and endanger a green transition for the whole European Union.

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Countries that have common security interests are united on a regional level, and regional security initiatives represent a space in which cooperation materialises practically, with concrete security benefits. On the other hand, the NATO concept of smart defence and the EU concept of unification and sharing as security tools of institutions, whose membership these countries aspire to or are members of the Western Balkans, confirm the established regional cooperation while also opening a space for some new forms of cooperation. Therefore, the subject of this research is how security integration processes, implemented through regional security initiatives and NATO and EU security concepts, affect the evolution of the Western Balkan sub-complex. The hypothesis that will be confirmed in the paper is that the security and stability of the Western Balkan countries depend on their national capacities being interconnected in the regional security network and supported by global security concepts. The theory of the regional security concept is suitable for this type of research because it mostly relies on the socio-constructivist theoretical framework, which implies that the forms of the international system determine states’ behaviour, with an emphasis on social structures and facts.

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This paper aims to analyse economic initiatives launched in the Western Balkans. The CEFTA 2006 Agreement, as the only trade initiative established on a stable and contractual basis, represents the core of regional trade relations. On the other hand, the CEFTA has numerous flaws and operational problems, which will be examined further. The author further reviews the development, challenges, and perspectives of other economic and trade arrangements, like those initiated within the Berlin Process (the Regional Economic Area and Common Regional Market), as well as by the Western Balkans leaders themselves (“Mini Schengen”/“Open Balkan”). The main research question addressed in this paper is whether the aforementioned regional initiatives are compatible with the EU accession processes of these countries. The author’s central thesis is that none of these initiatives were created to replace EU membership. Membership remains the primary foreign policy goal of all Western Balkans actors, and each of them could help the region prepare for the challenges of participating in the EU internal market. Moreover, they could be seen as an incentive to implement key reforms as part of the EU accession process.

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The subject of this research is the effects of development assistance provided by the European Union to the countries of the Western Balkans during the accession process. The focus is on the effects of the projects of the Investment Framework for the Western Balkans as a key mechanism through which the development support to the region in the next project cycle will be realised. The paper describes the development goals of this programme and analyses the characteristics of previously implemented projects. The results showed that the share of EU grants in these projects is symbolic, while almost all funds come from user loans from European banks or their own budget funds. The analysis of the grant’s form showed its minor developmental effect, given that it is a matter of feasibility studies, assessments, and recommendations. The findings reveal that bilateral donations have a substantially greater impact and that bilateral collaboration with European countries is extremely important.

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In the traditionally good and stable bilateral relations between Serbia and Romania, the position and protection of the rights of national minorities and the preservation of their ethnocultural identity occupy a special place. In this context, the bilateral agreement from 2002 stands out in importance, which is primarily important for resolving specific interstate issues in the field of minority policy. In the foreign policy relations between Serbia and Romania, the open issues have two most important aspects: the first refers to the status and rights of the Romanian national minority in Serbia, and the second is whether the Vlachs are part of the Romanian nation or an autochthonous national minority with their own identity, language, and culture. The position of Romanians in Serbia, the Vlach-Romanian issue, and bilateral relations with Romania are additionally important for the progress in the process of Serbia\'s accession to the European Union, bearing in mind that Romania conditions its consent to Serbia’s EU candidate status and the opening of negotiation chapters. Serbia believes that the only way to avoid all misunderstandings and maintain good neighbourly relations is to engage in active and principled interstate dialogue. Stable bilateral relations, successful regional cooperation and the prosperity of each country in the Balkans are conditioned, among other things, by resolving open minority issues and the full realisation of minority rights and freedoms, which lead to the necessary integration of members of national minorities into society, but with the preservation of their ethnic, religious and cultural identity. On the other hand, the position and realisation of the rights of national minorities depend on the democratisation of society, interstate regional relations and good neighbourly cooperation regulated by bilateral agreements, as well as good majority-minority relations in the state, with the active participation of their home countries, but also stable bilateral relations with the states in which they live. For Serbia, having in mind the basic goals and concrete obligations in the process of European integration and EU negotiations, protection of human and minority rights, improvement of position, integration, and preservation of the national identity of Romanian and Vlach minorities, and good neighbourly relations are crucial.

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The article analyses the post-Cold War world in the Caucasus region. Its exceptional economic and geostrategic significance is the main reason why the interests of the great powers have clashed in this area over the centuries. In this article, we put special emphasis on the political activities and actions of Azerbaijan throughout the course of two centuries. On the other hand, due to numerous ethnic intolerances, followed by war events and constant insecurity, global and regional actors are also involved because there is a justified fear that security and the fragile peace in this area will collapse, and it will have a negative effect on the entire international community. In that context, this paper will also discuss Azerbaijan’s relations with its neighbours as well as with the great powers in the international world order.

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The paper analyzes the increasingly intensive and diverse political and military partnership between India and Australia over the last ten years. The author proves several hypotheses in the paper. According to the first, the main driver of their rapprochement is the common fear of the political elites of the two countries that in the Indo-Pacific region, the People’s Republic of China could become a hegemonic power with ambitions that run counter to the interests of both India and Australia. The second hypothesis, closely related to the first, expresses the view that India and Australia strive to maintain/restore and strengthen the balance of power .In the third hypothesis, the author claims that both countries conduct exclusively the so-called soft balancing versus the People’s Republic of China, and that their interests, capacities and complementarity in balancing are limited, and that it is unlikely that in the short term (1-6 years) they could switch from the so-called soft to the so-called hard balancing. The paper also gives a brief overview of the history of relations between the two countries.

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The subject of this paper is the analysis of the specific trade position of Mozambique, whose model of economic development is based on the extraction of natural resources. According to the United Nations classification, Mozambique is categorized as one of The Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in the world, which are extremely vulnerable to exogenous shocks and natural disasters. In addition, they encounter many barriers in international trade, which lead to increase of trade costs. This paper will point out the possibilities of overcoming these difficulties through the implementation of the Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA), adopted under the World Trade Organization; as well as through investment in trade-capacity building, which should open opportunities for Mozambique to achieve a higher level of integration into international trade.

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The main task of the paper is to establish the main determinants of German and British political relations, with special emphasis on the development of these relations after Brexit. The introductory part of the paper presents the circumstances under which Britain left the EU, in light of the fact that this process was the first case of leaving the EU by one of its members. The basic contours of German and British relations were outlined, as well as the challenges facing the Federal Republic of Germany in order of its firm determination to preserve the EU and adequately respond to new challenges in line with the turmoil at the global level. Since the second strongest economy and its third most populous country left the EU, the role of Germany in shaping the post-Brexit union is becoming more prominent. The central part of the paper is dedicated to the analysis of the foreign policy agendas of the two countries in the post-Brexit circumstances. With the exit of Great Britain from the EU, the task of devising a new foreign policy doctrine of Britain and its role in the world was inevitably imposed on its government. Although the basic contours of German foreign policy doctrine, rooted in decades of tradition, remain unchanged, in the new coalition agreement of the German government, a more ambitious approach can be seen in agreement with its Euro-Atlantic partners. The final part points to the perspectives of future relations between the two countries in accordance with their tradition, that is, the basic directions of their foreign policy, as well as the changed geopolitical landscape. The core of future bilateral relations between the two countries will inevitably take place in the light of the fact that, as an EU member, Germany has an obligation to build a common foreign and security policy within the European agenda. Different research methods were used to consider the specific subject of research. Among the basic methods of cognition, the methods of analysis and synthesis were applied. As for general scientific methods, hypothetical deductive and historical methods were used.

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This paper tries to portray the energy relations between the European Union and Russia, which are characterized by the recognition of mutual and joint interests in the fields of energy and the economy. This part of EU-Russia diplomatic relations is based on the principle of interdependency, which ties the two subjects into close cooperation and thus complements their otherwise turbulent relationship. The interests for which these relations are maintained are of high value to both parties and prove that EU-Russia cooperation is possible and sustainable, although with an uncertain future, having in mind other diplomatic concerns and current ongoing events in Ukraine in overall EU-Russia relations. Although far from ideal and filled with controversies and tensions, this sphere of diplomatic relations is very important and has large economic and political implications. This paper will give a brief overview of the events leading up to the existing controversies over Nord Stream 2, as well as the future implications and predictions of possible consequences regarding further energy relations between Russia and the EU.