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Material and non-material cultural heritage is important for every nation and every state. In contemporary international relations, as well as in the foreign affairs, the importance of cultural heritage is gaining in importance due to the fact that it does not represent value and advantage only for a certain nation and state, but it also has the international significance, followed by certain recognition and appreciation. Consequently, cultural heritage is subject to internal policies, especially cultural policies, as well as the foreign policy officials that are in power in a particular country. thus, cultural heritage is becoming an element of diplomacy, where diplomats dealing with cultural diplomacy are of utmost importance, in addition to unavoidable importance of economic diplomacy. However, important knowledge and characteristic of cultural heritage are that it exists not only in the territory of a sovereign state, but it also stays alive abroad. Such is the case with the cultural heritage of the Republic of Serbia abroad. Having this fact in focus, people in the diaspora with their cultural missions and goods is undoubtedly an important element of diplomacy. they can certainly include already existing cultural assets. Finally, giving its contribution to culture and art, but also other spheres of cultural industry and cultural capital, an important and inevitable contribution is unequivocally given by the diaspora.

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In this paper, the author describes and critically analyzes the concept of unambiguous victory, developed by a Welsh politicologist John David Lewis in his book Nothing Less Than Victory. This concept\'s core lies in the emphasis on the significance of achieving victory as a war goal for the establishment of stable peace among former enemies, as well as in the observation that every conflict is based upon certain moral ideas. The path to an unambiguous victory goes through the identification of the enemy’s “center of gravity”, which is a source of the moral idea that leads it to start the war. To elaborate on the concept, Lewis performs several case studies, in which aggressive powers were unambiguously defeated by the adversaries who were convinced in the righteousness of their own war aims, and efficiently used force against the aggressor\'s “center of gravity”. The unambiguous victory concept is eclectic, for it combines the elements of all three big schools of thought about international relations – realist, liberal, and constructivist. However, liberal elements are merged with Lewis\'s bias towards Western liberal societies, which is a fundamental weakness of his concept, but not an obstacle to its scientific usefulness – if the bias in question is eliminated.

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The concept of anarchy is one of the cardinal categories in International Relations Theories, classic and contemporary ones. This paper analyses the theoretical framework of one of the three most influential social constructivists- Nicholas Onuf. Describing the world affairs as anarchical, which is a presumption in the works of almost all scholars (both realistic and liberal), Onuf takes the presumption of anarchy to be mistaken. Onuf analyses and rejects the existence of anarchy in international state, most commonly regarded as “the absence of world government” or “rule by no one in particular”. Onuf is firm in the claim that there is no logically necessary connection between the absence of ultimate authority and the absence of rules or order. In order to represent and explain the true international state of affairs, which he suggests is unrecognized because of the terminological and conceptual confusions, Onuf implies that more adequate term is “heteronomy”. Scientific justification of this paper is obvious due to the fact that it is about a phenomenon that is not researched enough, especially in domestic literature, and because a better understanding of this phenomenon could potentially change the current world affairs for the better.

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The paper examines recent and plausible advancements in military technology primarily regarding the soldiers’ ability to execute their combat missions as a prerequisite of the effective conduct of disciplining wars as a means of US control policy over planetary periphery in the early 21st century. The departing assumption is that, in addition to the material resources, military power is one of the basic preconditions for successful warfare because the victory in the battle is heavily conditioned by the combat effectiveness – the ability and willingness to confront the enemy in an organised way. The asymmetrical nature of US military interventions and their projecting into predominantly urban and civilian environments define a military strategic, operational and tactical framework in which advanced and sophisticated technologies cannot replace land operations. The author emphasises that the technological advancements of the Fourth Industrial Revolution necessarily involve the transformation of land forces, especially the infantry, since inflicting a decisive blow on enemy forces still requires a human presence on the battlefield. The analysis focuses on the application of the actual and plausible inventions of the Fourth Industrial Revolution in the fields of biotechnology, neuroscience, electronics, informatics, and robotics aimed at enhancing the mental and physical abilities of a soldier. The author concludes that despite the possible ad hoc resistance from users and political decision-makers themselves, there are realistic expectations that hybridisation of the human body and technological enhancements may be created in the near future, but warns that the creation of cyborg soldiers with superhuman properties might pave just one more avenue for US hegemony to reaffirm itself over the rest of the world, particularly over the global periphery.

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Considering the significance of the key energy sources and ways of their transportation, energy security is the subject of the analysis of many scientific papers and public policies. Energy security in the context of EU-Russian relations has gained importance in recent years. Hence, the main goal of this paper is to analyze the process of securitization of the European Union\'s energy dependence on Russian natural gas and the main implications of this process as well. Employing the concept of securitization of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, or more precisely its criticisms, the paper highlights key elements of the securitization process in the case of energy relations between the EU and Russia. The central part of the paper focuses on content analysis of statements and messages of key securitizing actors in the European Union, but also on a wider sociopolitical context that gives \"legitimacy\" to such process, followed by concluding remarks.

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This article is an attempt to construct a theoretical model for analysis of the determinants of foreign policy and to apply it to the case study of Serbia. Having firstly critically evaluated several authors’ approaches to that issue in international and domestic literature, the author has made his definition of the term determinants of foreign policy, trying to overcome shortcomings of other definitions, and classifies all determinants in four basic groups: historical, determinants from the international environment, determinants of the socio-political („domestic“) system and idiosyncratic factors. He classifies different factors in the most adequate of these four groups, explains their content and meaning. At the end of the theoretical part of this article, the author shortly turns to some methodological problems dealing with the approach he used. Thereupon, as an example of the concrete application of the proposed model, the author analyses relevant determinants of the foreign policy of Serbia. In the concluding remarks, he calls for improvements of this model as a pioneer theoretical attempt, or – by James Rosenau\'s term – contribution to a pre-theory of the foreign policy, to achieve the highest possible theoretical level and thus to improve the results of the model\'s practical applications.

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Since the collapse of former Yugoslavia and due to its geographic position and geopolitical importance in the Balkans, Serbia has been a subject of continuous interest of global powers. Their goals are focused on internal and external politics of Serbia aiming to achieve the best possible geopolitical position in the country. Using the comparative method of analysis, the paper aims to present the content, forms, and scope of the four main geopolitical conceptions actively operating in Serbia (the US and NATO Atlanticism, Russia\'s Euroasianism, Germany\'s Continentalism and Turkey\'s Neottomanism). In order to keep its diplomatic maneuvering space relatively open and effective, Serbia should not underestimate any of these conceptions always keeping in mind its national and state interests. The only permanent Serbian category in conducting its foreign policy should be: \"A state has no eternal friends but only eternal interests.\"

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The Greek foreign policy activity in the Balkans can be divided into three periods. The first period stretches from the fall of communism to the conclusion of military conflicts in the region in 1995. The next period begins with the change of government in Greece in 1996, which led to the intensified interest of this country in its neighbors. It also led to the adoption of the principles which will guide the Greek authorities in relations with the Balkan states, such as regional cooperation, encouraging European integration, friendly relations, but also using economy in the service of diplomacy. Led by these interests, the second period is marked by the improved and more intensified relations between Greece and its neighbors and by strong Greek economic presence in the region. During the Greek presidency over the EU in 2003, the European perspective of the Western Balkan states was expressed for the first time. The last period begins with the start of the economic crisis in 2008 which caused partial loss of interest of Greek authorities in the neighboring countries, due to the need to solve urgent domestic issues. However, three years after the outbreak of the crisis first signs of stabilization of economic and commercial relations were recorded between Greece, Albania, Macedonia and Serbia. Coming to power in 2014, Syriza-ANEL coalition initiated a policy of bringing their country back to the Balkans” because of multiple importance of the region to Greece.

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The level of the state economic development is a major determinant of social welfare. In the age of globalization, the quality of relations with other countries depends on the economic conditions on the national level. The proper foreign policy could be very important for the national economic development. However, the situation on the national level could have a great impact on the state foreign policy. That is also the reason for the pursuit of membership in international organizations. It seems that the foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia is primarily determined by economic conditions, although it has been designed by the great influence of political heritage. The goal of this paper is to underline the relationship between the national economy and foreign policy. The necessity for the development of the national economy affected the tendency towards the membership of the Republic of Serbia in the EU, as well as the cooperation with the People\'s Republic of China and the Russian Federation. The current foreign policy of Serbia rests on the four pillars – the cooperation with the United States, the Russian Federation, the People\'s Republic of China and the European Union. The interests of some of them are opposed. This can affect the quality of relations between the Republic of Serbia and these countries. However, it could have a tremendous impact on the national economic policy priorities. It seems it is difficult to give an answer to the question of what will happen in the future Therefore, it is perhaps necessary to take advantage of the current benefits that Serbia has as a candidate for accession to the EU and from the economic cooperation with the Russian Federation and the People\'s Republic of China.

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Two major events have shaped the world scene in the recent months, Brexit and the policy of the new Trump Administration. Both have emphasized the shift towards reassessing sovereignty against multilateralism. Unfortunately, the process of globalisation has not bolstered multilateralism. In fact, the opposite is true: The logic of national sovereignty has staged a comeback with major economies undermining cooperation on issues ranging from security to trade to climate change. The United States’ withdrawal from the Transpacific Partnership (TPP) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) signalled, together with the withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement, a setback in multilateral diplomacy. On the other hand, the departure of the UK from the EU creates major uncertainties and possible adverse consequences for the future of the Union. Brussels is faced with a potential resurge of immigrants, as well as with the imperative of consolidating the Eurozone, a move that could split the EU into core countries and second-grade members. The paper is focused on the potential trends behind those developments which could shape the future of foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia.

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Demographic trends are of special importance for every country. This paper analyses the key demographic trends: in the Republic of Serbia, former SFRY countries and selected South-East European countries. The authors composed a comparative analysis of the key demographic changes in the late 20th and the early 21st century, including the latest data and assessments available in 2017. We used the information based on national statistics, as well as data of the United Nations (UN Population Division) and other most important international organisations and institutions (World Bank, Eurostat, OECD, etc.). Based on the conducted research, we established that in the transition period following the demolition of the Berlin Wall, there was a drop in the birth rate and population numbers in Serbia and most of the South-East European countries. According to the World Bank data, over the past two decades, these countries experienced large-scale population migrations towards the developed EU countries and North America. An empirical analysis, which we conducted for the period 1990–2015, revealed a correlation between the decrease of population in Serbia and the South-East European countries on the one hand, and the key economic indicators – such as real economic growth, the balance of trade and payments, external and internal debt movements, etc. – on the other.

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In this article, we discuss the conceptual framework of colonialism. We consider colonialism to be a complex system based on racial discrimination and economic exploitation. Furthermore, we closely define the concepts of colonialism, neocolonialism and imperialism. We believe that these terms are interconnected and that they construct one single context. Regardless of the small differences between these concepts, they act synergistically with the goal of establishing hegemony over the native population. Moreover, we analyze the psychological aspect of colonialism in order to uncover the relationship between the colonizer and the colonized. That relationship is characterised by mutual dependence, complexes of superiority and inferiority. In addition, we compare the opinions of three most eminent authors in the field of psychology of colonialism Albert Memmi, Octave Mannoni and Frantz Fannon.

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In the early 1990s, the United States was positioned as the only remaining superpower and it was difficult to imagine resolving regional crises without its influence. Such crises were erupting uncontrollably during the disappearance of the bipolar world. At the same time, the Western defense systems sought for a purpose in a new world order. The breakup of the SFRY took place within the aforementioned international surrounding, which provoked the consequences for Yugoslav constituent units as well. The aim of this paper is to describe, and, where possible, to explain the evolution of the US stance from the support to the unity of the SFRY to the support of the independence of its republics, as a hypothesis of the US administration that it will contribute to the solution of the Yugoslav crisis in this way.

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In this scientific journal, we have presented only some basic outlines of the Vatican’s geopolitics. Important factors that, in our understanding, strongly affect the erosion of one geopolitics are: the ecumenical politics of Roman Curia, the geopolitics of the Holy See in international relations in the last hundred years, and the geopolitics of the Vatican in the area of Southeastern Europe and the Western Balkans. The changes from the Second Vatican Council made the Catholic Church come out of isolation, and to join the ecumenical movement. Since then, she has played a more active role in international relations. The relations between the Holy See and the Serbian Orthodox Church experience some progress and improvements in relation to the time of John Paul II’s pontificate. The progress is primarily reflected in the acquisition of mutual confidence in the canonization of Stepinac, as well as in the consistent decision of the Holy See not to recognize the so-called “Kosovo’s independence“.

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Actions of a state are conditioned by the influence of multiple factors, which on different levels determine its foreign policy activity. This paper aims to present causes that led to an increased presence of Turkey in the Western Balkans in the period after the Cold War, and especially during the first decade of the 21st century. Also, it deals with the main consequences of that presence. Without the intention of implementing clear and rigid delimitations of different determinants influence, which is barely possible in the complex research field such as international relations, the author has divided Turkey’s political engagement in the Western Balkans into three different periods. Each of them, despite the consistency of the Turkish national interests, was “coloured” with various activities, which were performed in different international and regional political circumstances.

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In the first decades of the 21st century, the trend of decreasing power of trade unions continued as a reflection of long-term structural changes in the world economy, which are variously depreciated in European countries. Faced with very unfavorable action context, the trade unions are forced to use many different models of the revitalization of social and political power with various results. Starting from the old thesis that it represents a potential answer to a more defensive position regarding the state and the employers, possibilities and means of realizing trade unions\' political activism are examined in this paper as a collective term for all means that affect the adoption of important political decisions. In European countries there is no identical form of it, whereas possibilities and results of its usage are conditioned by 1) institutions\' design, 2) constellation and credibility of the political process\' actors, and 3) capacity of the trade unions.

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The impact of the world economic crisis on production and unemployment in the observed economies is still felt ten years after its ending. This is particularly noticeable in the sector of the automobile industry, as a part of manufacturing production. The potential loss from a permanent closing down of production capacities in this sector of the economy will exert long-term negative effects on the economic development of these countries. Spacial grouping of companies from this economic area into clusters represents a positive way for stimulation of their production. However, regarding the structural problems of the economy and increased competition from abroad, it is necessary to maintain the efficiency of production and to hold unemployment at appropriate levels in these clusters. In order to achieve this, economic policy measures should aim to increase the mutual cooperation of the clusters from different states.