Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):16-30
Abstract ▼
Euro-Asian security integrations take place within a plethora of organizations and initiatives, yet those most relevant to the security concerns of the Western Balkans inevitably maintain a key reference point at NATO and PfP. While the initiatives inspired by the Russian Federation, due to legitimate Russian security concerns arising from NATO’s expansion plans, are primarily motivated by a desire to provide various alternatives to NATO as a unique European instrument of collective security, the experience in EuroAsia so far has proven less than successful in accomplishing this goal. Similarly, the dilemmas in the Western Balkans, now focused on Serbia as factually the only country that is not either a NATO member, or part of the NATO enlargement process, need to be informed by this relative lack of success of Russia’s security initiatives in the Euro-Asian area. While the various aspects of security that connect Serbia and Euro-Asia — primarily the energy security considerations — do generate their own dimension of the impending deliberations with regard to the trans-Atlantic security integrations, the experiences of the Euro-Asian countries need to be factored in when decisions in the Western Balkans are made on the future course of such integrations.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):31-49
Abstract ▼
Тhe term “future” covers the period of the EU’s development in the next ten years (2010-2020). The analysis starts from the time when the Lisbon Treaty entered into force (from December 1st, 2009). More important than the symbolism of years are the complex socio-political relations, both at the international level and within the EU, together with probable consequences of the economic and financial crisis. All that could have a long-term influence on EU decisions, meaning that the EU needs to make necessary adjustments in line with the changing conditions in the world, is viewed in within the context of the realisation of the vision of its work by the year 2020.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):50-66
Abstract ▼
The Justice and Development Party’s rise to power in 2002 has initiated an unprecedented momentum of the Turkish foreign policy, which has not been seen since the era of the late Turkish Prime Minister and President Turgut Ozal. In this paper, by presenting the deterioration of Turkey’s relations with Syria, we shall deal with the uncertain future of the “Zero Problems with Neighbors” policy, which is considered one of the basic principles of Davutoğlu’s foreign policy. The abandonment of this principle has raised doubts that Turkey, despite the fact that it has proclaimed the necessity of obtaining “central country” status, has not given up its Cold War role of “NATO’s frontline outpost” in the Middle East. In other words, Turkey’s sudden “democratic self-awakening” has caused fears in Iran and also in Moscow, which apart from its clear support to Damascus has increased its military presence in the highly sensitive area of Northern Caucasus.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):67-80
Abstract ▼
The article analyzes the structure of two regional organizations in South America and one in Central America trying to determine whether there are similarities in their organization and forms of cooperation between member states with the model applied in the case of the European Union. Based on the comparative analysis of the three cases the author draws wider implications of the increased influence of the European Union in Latin America for the attractiveness of its economic model.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):81-94
Abstract ▼
Martin Krpan is the most important Slovene myth that surpasses the framework of literature, art, and history. The simple story sets up an example of how one should write; amongst other things, one must”wrap the truth in a pleasant joke”. It contains many layers of meaning, reaches beyond its time and is appealing as well as educational. We take a new understanding of the story and try to interpret Martin Krpan as an ad hoc diplomat. Krpan possesses a number of characteristics, which define diplomats: he is realistic, clever, experienced, reliable, masters protocol and the art of negotiations and knows when to speak indirectly and when to stand up directly for his own interests. In spite of all these aspects, we would say that Krpan was not a diplomat. However, he provides a role model for it, which is applicable in different social and international circumstances.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):95-109
Abstract ▼
In this article, we discuss the idea and the legal-political principle of sovereignty and also the transformation that this concept has lived to see since the creation of the modern state at the dawn of the new century and especially in the period after World War II. As a kind of catalyst of this change, a significant role was played by supranational international organizations, which de facto and de iure have institutionalized the limitation of state sovereignty both in a formal and material sense. Equal to that, the great powers and the military alliances they founded and especially the military interventions they led have had a great influence on the relativisation of sovereignty as an attribute of statehood.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):110-126
Abstract ▼
The author analyses the contemporary nuclear powers\' strategies trying to explain the factors that cause contradictions among them. In these contradictions, he sees the major obstacle to further nuclear disarmament, let alone achieving of “nuclear zero”. Different geographical, demographic, economic and political factors lead to conflicted political goals of the states, while contradictory views on the role and purpose of nuclear weapons rely on these goals. A dialogue between great powers on resolving or at least softening of the conflicts in the political goals is a necessary step towards a successful continuation of nuclear disarmament.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):127-141
Abstract ▼
The authors analyze the problems that have occurred in the Russian Federation after the ratification of the European Council Convention on Corruption Criminal Liability and the OUN Convention against Corruption. The ratification of the mentioned conventions by the Russian Federation is a very important step in the Russian anti-corruption development. The authors criticize the deceleration of the implementation process in Russia in the past three years. By conducting a comparative-legal analysis of the implementation of the conventions mentioned above, the authors propose possible solutions for the implementation of the conventions texts (adjustment or adaptation) in the already existing Russian criminal legislation system. The authors are of the opinion that the implementation process should be conducted with maximum appreciation of the tradition and principles in the Russian criminal legislation. The purpose of this implementation method would be to maintain the conceptual ideas in the international documents in the Russian legislation, which would be directed towards the effective fight against corruption as well as towards the creation of conditions for cooperation among countries in this sphere.
IZVORI STABILNOG MIRA
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):142-143
PRAVO MEĐUNARODNIH UGOVORA
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):144-148
KOMPONENTE NACIONALNOG I EVROPSKOG IDENTITETA
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):149-150
SAOPŠTENJE EVROPSKE KOMISIJE EVROPSKOM PARLAMENTU I SAVETU
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1145):151-163
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):5-17
Abstract ▼
Due to its favourable geostrategic position, from ancient times the Balkan region has been doomed to experience turbulent historical events. The great empires – Turkey, Austria and Russia had had their interests in this region. Under their rule, Balkan states gained various forms of autonomy, independence; they also entered conflicts and established cooperation among themselves. The culmination of cooperation was the creation of SFRY, which did not last long. Stability of the Balkans has always depended on external acting - the influence of great powers. Nowadays, the European Union plays the role of a modern mediator in making a balance and achieving stabilization in Balkan relations. In this article, the author presents the two centuries long international relations in the Balkans and six major changes in the regional interstate system (the Congress of Vienna period; Congress of Berlin; Versailles Peace Treaty; European Nazi new order; the order after World War II and the Balkans at the beginning of the 20th century).
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):18-27
Abstract ▼
The economy of Cuba is still under the central supervision of the political authorities. In recent years, some reforms have been implemented to reduce the insolvency of companies and countries, increase effectiveness and efficiency of companies and eliminate chronic food shortages as well as some other fixed assets and consumer goods. Although the Cuban economy is based on state ownership, private entrepreneurship is on the rise. Tourism has become one of the main sources of income. The paper analyzes the current social and economic conditions in Cuba with emphasis on the beginning of certain reform measures after a half of century isolation and a lack of reforms.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):28-38
Abstract ▼
The paper analyses the political and social situation in Ukraine in the last two years with Viktor Yanukovych holding the position of President, while his Party of Regions has ensured majority in the Parliament and the Government. Coming of Yanukovich to power marked the end of the period of domination of the so-called „Orange Revolution“ proponents from 2005-2010, which brought political instability and economic weakness to Ukraine. Contrary to this, in these two years, Yanukovych has managed to improve the economic situation in the country to some extent, to settle down the political and social conflicts and to achieve a geopolitical balance between Russia and the EU. In spite of all this, Ukraine faces a number of problems and challenges that make the situation in the country not quite stable, although prominent progress has been made in the last two years. The paper also considers the possibility of deepening the traditionally friendly Ukrainian-Serbian relations, this also including more intensive trade between Ukraine and Serbia in the last two years.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):39-65
Abstract ▼
In the last decade of the 20th century, the idea had emerged in the West to expand the NATO to the East and to admit Central and East European countries as full members to that alliance. The idea resulted from the intention of the West to capitalize, by its own opinion, on the victory in the Cold War and to establish a NATO-centric security system as a primary and dominant in Europe. There were no big obstacles on that way and that idea was operationalised in the next few years. Russia found itself before a political and security dilemma. It was necessary for it to take a stand and define a new strategy towards this political and strategic problem and to protect its vital national interests. The amplitude of possible options ranged from a hard, irreconcilable position, continuation of the confrontation and returning to the Cold War matrix, to the unconditional acceptance of the NATO expansion towards the Russia’s borders and making an irreparable damage to Russia’s security and political interests. A compromised option was made, which consisted of making as small as possible the damage and making as much benefit as it was possible under the given circumstances. Russia institutionalised and formalised this perception by its decisions and positions in its basic strategic documents (The National Security Concept, The Foreign Policy Concept, Russia’s Military Doctrine), which were adopted at the beginning and in end of the last decade of the 21st century. They fully verified the rationality and correctness of the chosen Russian Federation’s strategy.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):66-84
Abstract ▼
Great opportunities in all spheres of social life that are put before the man simultaneously with the development of information technology despite numerous, previously unknown advantages, have exposed him to new and very serious risks. It is very difficult to give comprehensive determinants of the term cyber crime. Despite various theoretical studies, practical examples, the national regulatory framework as well as various international instruments, it is clear that the complexity and severity of this phenomenon is much higher than it has been shown. Since the first international initiative on the fight against cyber crime (Conference on Criminological Aspects of the Economic Crime), which in 1976 was started by the Council of Europe in Strasbourg, the most important activities that have been carried out in this area belong to the jurisdiction of Interpol, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU) and the Group of Eight (Group of economic most developed countries). In order to establish appropriate international standards to combat cyber crime as efficient as possible, international institutions have adopted a variety of documents - conventions, resolutions, directives, recommendations, conclusions, studies, etc., which are based on relevant principles. The most important document in establishing international standards in combating cyber crime is certainly the Convention on Cybercrime, which aims is to harmonize national legislation with regard to substantive provisions, then, to introduce adequate instruments in national legislations regarding the procedural provisions and to establish fast and effective institutions and procedures of international cooperation.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):85-99
Abstract ▼
The paper analyses the position of the European Union as a special factor in international relations, which is being perceived through the prism of strategic culture. At the beginning, the author presents a short overview of strategic culture as a concept and methodological approach in the study of the behaviour of nation states as factors in the system of international relations. They should also establish the position of the European Union as a special supranational factor with its own strategic culture. The paper discusses the basic division in the relationship between the national strategic culture and the supranational EU strategic culture as well as the role of the legitimacy of the use force in that relationship. In the final part, the paper critically discusses the perspectives of the strategic culture as the dominant approach to the problem and its dependence on short-term phenomena that reduce the possibilities to establish a clear theoretical model, which has been confirmed in practice.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):100-115
Abstract ▼
In this paper, the author analyses crimes in history and in international law. He devotes special attention to the crimes committed in Nazi Germany in the light of the evolution of contemporary international law.
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):116-131
Abstract ▼
After World War II, numerous wars and armed conflicts were waged worldwide, in which besides soldiers, civilian population, prisoners of war, wounded and sick were also killed. In these wars, 1949 Geneva Conventions were massively violated against prisoners of war, wounded and sick, what represented war crimes. The paper gives a brief overview of some of the wars and armed conflicts that were waged in various parts of the world in the period from 1945 to 1990, when numerous war crimes against prisoners of war, wounded and sick were committed. Despite the involvement of the United Nations and various intermediary international peacekeeping missions, unfortunately, these wars were not prevented. Only the International Red Cross in Geneva partially succeeded in its humanitarian mission to improve the status of prisoners of war, wounded and sick in prison camps where housing conditions were very difficult, the epidemics raged and there was a lack of basic hygiene and often a lack of minimum, medical aid, which in many cases caused mortal consequences and permanent destruction of health. It is significant that in scientific and professional literature there are no data that for these numerous war crimes anyone was criminally responsible, except for a few negligible exceptions.
BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA POSLIJE ULASKA HRVATSKE U EVROPSKU UNIJU
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):132-133
SRPSKA NAUČNA DIJASPORA
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):134-135
ISTORIJA DIPLOMATIJE
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):136-138
ISTUPANJE NA 66. ZASEDANJU GENERALNE SKUPŠTINE UJEDINJENIH NACIJA NJ. E. VUK JEREMIĆ MINISTAR SPOLJNIH POSLOVA REPUBLIKE SRBIJE
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1146):139-140
Međunarodna politika, 2012 63(1147):5-13
Abstract ▼
Energy stability and security of the country are strategic objectives of every state. If energy is not available from its own resources, foreign policy activities of the state seek to provide favorable contracts that will guarantee energy security and possibly neutralize energy dependence of potential consumers on states which supply energy. For Europe, and the Balkans in particular, building two energy corridors is extremely important. The first is \"Nabucco\", mostly financed by the EU and the U.S., designed to neutralize energy dependence of Western Europe on Russia. The second is the \"South Stream\", Russian energy corridor, whose construction is already underway.
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