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In contemporary international relations, energy security became a topic that occupies a priority place at the global level as well as internal policies and security strategies of individual states. Energy security of the state realizes the action of the internal and external levels. Very few countries can meet their energy needs from its own resources. Therefore, most countries have to cooperate with each other to provide the required amount of energy. The pipeline “South Stream” has emerged as the need of Europe to southern and central parts of its natural gas supply from Russia. For Serbia, through which it had to pass, it was of great importance in terms of energy security.

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The paper points out the basic elements of EU policy on climate change through the presentation of policy objectives in this area as defined in the strategic documents of the organization. Certain provisions of the “Europe 2020” Strategy are particularly analyzed. It is given an overview of the results achieved so far in achieving the objectives defined in the strategy “Europe 2020”. The last part of the paper emphasizes the importance of EU policy in the field of climate change for the Republic of Serbia, as a country which is a candidate for EU membership. The similarities and differences in the current position of the Republic of Serbia and the European Union in this area are pointed out. The existence of the several circumstances that contribute to differences in the position of the Republic of Serbia in relation to the objectives of the EU is noted.

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Previous attempts of European uniting were violnet. Rome, Frankish empire, Napoleon\'s empire were product of warrior spirit, based on the will of the warring fighter. European Community was different. It was creation of politicians, traders, bankers and lawyers, based on the ideas of free market, documents, commercial contracts, letters of credit, business freedom, and guarantees of business word. The idea of European unification intensively developed at the beginning of the twentieth century through Briand’s project of the European Union federal; Spinelli’s Manifesto for a free and united Europe; the Federal Union of European nations; Churchill\'s idea of United States of Europe. A concrete result of the formation of European Economic Community (later European Union) occurs after the second world war as the result of four factors: dramatic wartime destruction of European countries, efforts of France and Germany to find a post-war modus vivendi, prewar ideological movements for European integration, and the beginning of American Cold War policy.

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The article explores the influence of water scarcity on the emergence and dynamics of interstate conflicts on the case study of the EuphratesTigris basin. Giving the fact that rapidly consumed water supplies can be physically controllable, water scarcity represents one of the causes that may contribute significantly to the development of interstate conflicts. International river basins are in special risk of these conflicts, particularly if other causes of interstate confrontation and intrastate divides exist. Water consumption has been among principal causes of conflict between Turkey, Syria, and Iraq for half a century. As all three states address this issue from narrow national perspectives, reaching a tripartite agreement on water sharing remains uncertain. This problem becomes even more important due to the increasing water scarcity and unstable relations in the region.

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In the focus of the author’s research are some forms of cooperation between Serbia and the countries from Central Europe. This cooperation is unilateral and multilateral. Regions are connecting in different way with the purpose of political, economic and social development. Most often form of multilateral regional cooperation are euroregions. On the other side, states cooperate through regional initiatives. Višegrad Group is one of the best examples of cooperation between states within regional initiative. Member states of this regional initiative fulfilled their main goal which was joining the European Union. But, this regional initivative still exist because of advantanges that member states have from it. Key representative of Serbia in regional cooperation is Autonomous Province of Vojvodina. This north province of Serbia has well developed unilateral and multilateral cooperation with regions from Central Europe. Also, Vojvodina is member of few European organizations that gathers regional authorities. That way, through cooperation of its regional authorities Serbia is becoming closer partner to European Union member states.

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Provisions of Austrian law which entitled a right to a compensation in cases of termination of work relation collided with the principle of free movement of workers, from the standpoint of former Article 39 EC. Could this article „rule out“ the domestic legislation which did not envisage a compensation in the case of termination of employment, by those workers who completed their working contract and departed for taking another job in the same or other EU member-state? Core issue regards the extent of prohibition of non-discriminatory limitations to freedom of movement of workers according to article 45 TFEU, in line with the Bosman ruling. In Graf judgment, Court of Justice analyzes the limits to case-law, relying to a significant degree on the enforcement of so-called Keck doctrine in the area of free movement of workers. Opinion of Advocate-General has initiated other questions, such as the market-access aspect, and the general test (Bosman). Concepts of „obstacle“ and „discrimination“ are identified as insufficiently precise, and qualification „too uncertain and indirect“ has not contributed to their closer specification, nor to development of relevant case-law of the Court of Justice.

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The end of the Cold War and the victory of the liberal-democratic form did not automatically bring the establishment of a permanent road towards democratic peace, the establishment of a fair system of free trade, the construction of authoritarian international institutions and generally accepted definition of common values at global level. Left without ideological competition, the liberal matrix did not continue to develop, but has entered into a degenerative phase-period of neoliberal fundamentalism. The leading ideas of the liberal doctrine are not used for the benefit of the global community, but in order to achieve the interests of the states belonging to the so-called democratic zone of peace. This phenomenon is noticeable in the Balkans, and it is particularly manifested in the process of European integration. This process stopped representing a development mechanism for the Balkan states; instead it became an instrument for imposing the values of neoliberal fundamentalism.

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A discussion about Cuba implies a question of how to find the mean between democracy, characterised by a range of ideas and possibilities, and social welfare. The triumph of socialism in Cuba during the Cold War paved the way for the social welfare, thanks to loyalty of the people towards the ruling Communist Party. Behind the attempt to properly tackle contemporary social issues lies the persistence of the Communist Party to justify its long-term survival on the Cuban political scene. The study of Cuban history during the 20th century reveals that the destiny of the island was determined by generations of politicians, who did not want to give up power in favour of younger and more progressive generation. As a result, democracy boiled down to the right to vote, which led to social turmoil and the need for the US intervention into Cuba\'s internal order. Nevertheless, socialism did not transform itself into a welfare state with a multi-party system, neither after the Cold War. Apparently, the current president will have to decide on further destiny of socialism in Cuba. Although Serbia did not complete its process of democratisation, it could contribute to transformation of socialism in Cuba towards enhancement of democracy and the process of democratisation.

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Prior to the question of the existing relations between the countries of the Western Balkans and the European Union, is the question of the future of the EU itself. The economic crisis set aside, the absence of any true sense of belonging and genuine European identity are seen as main obstacles that the EU is facing at the moment. The existing tensions and problems that several EU countries are encountering as regard to their unity, as Spain or Belgium, illustrates that it appears quite difficult to generate a collective sense of belonging within a culturally heterogeneous political community. As the EU needs an emergence of a true European identity, in order to legitimize the deepening of its political integration which is necessary to overcome the crisis of the euro-zone, the solution well might be found in the differentiation of the level of integration of its member states.

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Balkan Peninsula has been place of intersection of great power interests for centuries. Recently it has become again one of the playgrounds of the wider conflict between the West and Russia. Balkan countries are subordinate and object of policies of outside powers and transnational corporations. Author assumes that the challenge and threat to the regional countries are deriving mainly from their status of subordinated states. He defines subordinate state not only in DA Lake terms, but expands it with imposed agreement between local comprador political elites and foreign power. Jankovic briefly presents the position of the Balkan in the great power policy and relation between local countries and outside powers. He questions the status of the subordinate states and claims two territories to be in the status of protectorate. Then he presents officially recognized challenges and threats in order to give his view of they really are.

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Тhe approaching of the Western Balkans to EU Frequently make saome questions, for example, the purpose and significance of the entry of these countries into the European Union. A significant number of analyzes related to this issue. However, the question is whether the EU has the reasons for acess of Western Balkans States. In considering this issue in terms of international relations as factors of objective and subjective criteria can come to concrete and real results. Each of these factors can provide relatively accurate and objective indicators related to this issue. Starting from the political, economic, demographic, geostrategic, military factors and using other methods of getting the result that there are reasonable grounds to countries in the region to enter the EU framework. However, there are quite specific reasons that the EU has an interest in this country to accept members of the Union.

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The pro-European orientation of the countries of the Western Balkans is not called into question despite the financial and institutional crisis that has followed in recent years, both in the EU and the region. On the road to EU accession, these countries have made significant progress, but the fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria is imminent. It is necessary to reduce the gap between its ambitions and existing capacity, but also to continue to promote regional cooperation, on which the EU insists, because the connection between the countries is the key to faster economic growth and higher employment in Southeast Europe. Political support for the enlargement process exists within the EU and in the countries of the Western Balkans. However, ethnic tension in the Western Balkans, the emergence of the new economic cooperation framework through negotiations on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, China and Southeast European countries with the policy of “1+16”, and the growing influence of the Euroasian Economic Union, open up thinking about other possibilities of overcoming potential failures of the Western Balkans on the European integration path.

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The diplomatic lobbying is one of the important ways of action in the contemporary diplomacy. The most important assumption for diplomatic lobbying performed is the acquisition of knowledge and possession of skills. Regarding the great possibilities of the diplomatic lobbying, especially in the European Union, it is necessary and useful that the diplomatic lobbying become constituent of foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia.

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This work is dedicated to the analysis of various foreign policy challenges Serbia has encountered since the breakup of the former “Socialist” Yugoslavia (1992) to the present. In this sense, the author is going through certain stages that failed to point out the most important challenges that followed the formulation and implementation of foreign policy goals. He also concluded that in the analyzed period there were no specific formulation of foreign policy goals and priorities of Serbia. At the end of this article, the author underlines that Serbia has managed to a given extent, to improve its image thanks to chairmanship to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe during 2015.

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The paper starts with the explanation of the territory and relations between countries in the Balkan region, discussing further the possibility of the formation of regional identity. In the second part of the paper, the process of development of regional cooperation in the Balkans is given, starting with the short overview of the first forms of regional cooperation in 19th century and ending with the post-conflict regional approach of the European Union, in mid-nineties. In the third part more elaborative overview of first regional initiatives established in the Balkans at that time by key actors in international community is represented, and the role of the EU within this process is explained in particular. Fourth part provides the information about the new process of regional cooperation, supported by European Commission and some of the EU member states, which is meant to improve connectivity in the Balkan region. In the final part is displayed the evaluation of achievements of the regional cooperation in the Balkans, with basic estimates for the mid-term future.

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The author analyzes the prospects for the European Union and the Balkans in the forthcoming period. First, it points to the fact that the EU is preoccupied with solving its own financial and economic problems. Enlargement is de facto transferred to another plan and frozen. Then he points to the problematic situation of the Balkan countries that sink in a combination of indebtedness, unemployment, political instability and authoritarianism. In the end, it is contended that in the near future, realistic and not overly ambitious priorities should be set: avoiding bankruptcy and safeguarding the fundamental political stability.

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This article considers Serbia\'s bilateral dialogue with the four neighbouring countries on the implementation and respect of the domestic and international standards regarding the rights and freedoms of national minorities in Serbia. The article considers the key elements of the open issues between Serbia and each of these four countries, and their impact on the process of Serbia\'s European integration. Finally, the author offers several recommendations for the decision makers in Serbia that can help in closing of some of the open issues, as to prevent the further escalation of bilateral misunderstandings, which could be potentially dangerous for the process of Serbia\'s integration into the EU.

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Ecumenism means: reconciliation, cooperation, bringing together Christians in the world. Ecumenism is treated as a unity in diversity. That is why the Holy See insists on dialogue of equals. Its established dogmatic minimalism (the common denominator of all Christian theological community: The Bible, Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed of Faith, the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist) will not be followed by Roman Catholic Church (RCC) and the Holy See because it violates the fullness of its faith. RCC was the last to approach to the ecumenical movement. It would long averse to dialogue that was established by the Protestants and Orthodox in the early twentieth century. It was not until 1960, that RCC first formed a working body for promoting Christian unity. At the Second Vatican Council were basically made three documents that would directly touch on ecumenism. The first document OE, sees in Greek-Catholic, Eastern or Uniate (associated) churches the path of convergence of Catholics and Orthodox. The second document, the decree UR, acknowledges the sacramental power of other churches, and the recognition that they have an identical apostolic heritage. The third declaration, NAE finds common denominators in other religious practices and religions (interreligious dialogue). All that is known (in Shinto and Confucianism), true (Hinduism and Buddhism) and identical (in Islam and Judaism), RCC accepted as divine light. With Muslims it shares identical Abrahams heritage, respect for Jesus and the Virgin Mary, and the Day of Judgment. In Judaism emphasizes the sameness of Abraham’s heritage of the scriptures and the courage of the children of the Chosen people to accept Christ\'s teachings. In the post-conciliar period comes to rapprochement with the Orthodox, mutual recognition of episcopal honors, and removing the anathema. In the decades that followed RCC organized: people, working bodies and documents that are committed to ecumenical rapprochement. Since then, the zeal to rapprochement became intense, and also the obligation of the church. The most intensive dialogue will be between Catholics and Orthodox, and Catholics and Protestants (especially with the Anglican Church, then with the Lutheran Church). The Catholic Church insists on interreligious dialogue with other nonChristian communities and religious practices.

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The principal subject discussed in this paper is the Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, that grants the right to foreign nationals who are arrested or detained to have their consulate notified, while the receiving state, on the other hand, is committed to make due effort, so as to allow such individuals to exercise their right. Therefore, the duty assumed by the signatory states to the Convention is to secure this right for both other signatory states and individuals that this Article is essentially intended to protect. In practice, however, the United States of America have failed to respect this duty, which can pose a problem particularly in such cases when a foreign national is sentenced to death. The protectionist attitude of US courts towards US norms represents not only the failure to perform the assumed duty with respect to other states, but it is a major setback when it comes to respect of human rights.

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Free movement of capital is one of the fundamental freedoms affirmed in the EU Treaties ensuring business continuity and foreign investments. It does not only mean simple liberalisation of commodity and capital flows, but it involves much broader freedoms and rights including trade in capital services, securities trading, but also free trade in real estate in the areas of different European Union member countries. During the process of accession of the Czech Republic, Estonia, Cyprus, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Malta, Poland, Slovenia, Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia to this organisation the elimination of all internal legislative and administrative barriers to real estate buying and selling was provided for in the transitional period. A special emphasis in the accession documents was put on free trade in agricultural and forest lands that for the most part had been owned by the state in the transition period. The specification of the conditions in the accession documents mentioned above enables harmonisation of legislations of states with EU acquis communautaire, thus contributing to the further development of connections among them and thus, their more rapid integration in the Union internal market

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The interest in diplomacy, as well as memoirs of diplomats, has always existed at both scientists and the widest readership. This paper provides an overview of memoir literature of the Kingdom of Serbia from the XIX century until 1918, then the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1945 and the new Yugoslavia from 1945 to 2000 and as well as the Republic of Serbia until 2014. Thus, in one place one can learn about the authors and their works, primarily books and monographs with the contents of diplomacy. So far, there has been no such review and record of above-mentioned works. These memoir works of diplomats, although often considered biased and in the most cases not the source of the law, are very significant and important not only for international relations, foreign policy, diplomatic history, but also for national history. In particular, they give many detailed descriptions of various events in which they participated or witnessed as well as various historical figures with whom they collaborated. When all these memoir works that are first class material for the further study of diplomacy, international relations and foreign policy substantiate with relevant documents and other relevant evidence, then we have first-rate historical sources.