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Military interventionism, a unilateral and coercive practice in international politics, is widely discussed in scholarly literature. However, key aspects, such as a consolidated definition of military intervention and the complex geographical features involved, remain insufficiently conceptualised. Evidence, including the economic rise of non-Western powers, the politico-military ascendance of Russia and China, and the growing prevalence of asymmetric threats, signals a shift from a unipolar to a multipolar global system. This article examines the extent to which great powers are inclined to intervene in neighbouring regions compared to peripheral areas within different structural contexts of the international system and offers potentially relevant factors to be considered while analysing similar cases that might occur, notwithstanding who is the intervening actor. This research briefly introduces justifications for three past interventions—in Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, and Iraq—to identify the role of geographic positioning in justifying interventionism. This study explores centreperiphery dynamics and factors influencing military interventions. It offers insights into China’s foreign policy behaviour as it manoeuvres its role as a “hesitant hegemon” in the current international system.

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The stability of the international order primarily depends on the power relations between revisionist and status quo powers. The first are the bearers of changes in the character of international politics, while the second are the guardians of existing rules and practices. Rising powers seek to reshape the order constructed under the patronage of the existing hegemon. The paper explores the character of China\\\'s relations as a growing power towards the international order shaped at the end of the Cold War since Xi Jinping came to power. The theoretical framework is represented by the theory of balance of interests, primarily relying on the categorisation of revisionist states into the camp of “wolves”, irreconcilable opponents of the existing and bearer of new orders, and “jackals”, moderately powerful states focused on partial revisions of the current situation in the long term. The analysis works on two levels, systemic and state, indicating the specific positioning of China between the “wolf” and the “jackal”. From a theoretical point of view, it points to a possible new classification of a potential superpower striving for a long-term reshaping of the international order and avoiding sudden and premature risks.

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Using the network of Serbian diplomatic missions as a case study, this paper examines the relevance of four political determinants influencing the configuration of diplomatic networks as established in existing scholarly literature. These determinants are the geographic proximity of the host country, its military and economic power, reciprocity of diplomatic representation, and ideological closeness between the host country and the sending country. Additionally, three other political factors specific to the Republic of Serbia were tested: the presence of ethnic Serbs or Serbian citizens in the host country, the host country’s stance on the status of Kosovo and Metohija, and its position on membership in military alliances. The research results indicate that all seven political determinants are relevant for shaping the Serbian diplomatic network, despite minor deviations concerning the third determinant and more significant ones concerning the fourth. An additional significance of this paper is the examination of the relevance of these seven determinants for the configuration of the Serbian defence attaché network.

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The relationship between science, technology, war, and military forces that manifests in multidimensional space represents a non-linear system. The tendency to create an orderly system from then on-linear is natural. It is desirable to make decisions with utter certainty, but in practice, this imposes risks on the framework of the military system’s operational structure. Bearing in mind the uniqueness and potential of future applications, the question arises as to how the introduction of artificial intelligence will affect the change in the use of military forces. The problem defined in this paper is solved through the analysis and consideration of the multi-layered implications of artificial intelligence in the context of strategy and doctrine while following the necessary resources. The study is based on contemporary political and technological concepts, considers political, military, legal, and ethical perspectives, identifies opportunities, challenges, and open questions, and offers comprehensive observations. Assuming that artificial intelligence will manage to operationalize at least part of the postulate of autonomy in the near future, in light of rapid technological development, this paper provides insight and a pathway to advance further thinking, research, and policy making for the proper integration, management, and use of artificial intelligence in the military.

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In the context of global security concerns, modern states undertake numerous activities to mitigate the risks associated with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The Republic of Serbia is also involved in these activities, recognizing the importance of countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in its legal and strategic documents. This paper provides an overview of the broader historical context of legislative development in this field, as well as the most significant international instruments, including initiatives, agreements, and treaties that Serbia implements. The research questions this paper aims to answer are: Has the Republic of Serbia implemented all relevant international documents for preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, including international agreements, conventions, and resolutions? How does the existing legal framework respond to current regional and global security challenges, and what are the strengths and weaknesses of this framework in the context of its implementation? The core of this paper is the analysis of Serbia’s existing legal framework for preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, as well as the assessment of its strengths and weaknesses in addressing the multiple challenges posed by this type of weaponry. In this way, an in-depth insight is provided into the legal and regulatory measures, international cooperation, and the technological landscape influencing the spread of weapons of mass destruction. Special attention is given to examining security challenges, risks, and threats, both regional and global, to identify potential areas for action where the existing legal framework of Serbia could be improved. The paper emphasizes the importance of raising public awareness and education, as well as fostering a culture of responsibility and vigilance against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

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In the era of digitalization, the internet has become a fundamental tool for information, communication, education, and social engagement. The question of whether access to the internet should be recognized as a separate fundamental human right has become omnipresent. Free access to the internet is of paramount importance for the realization of many key human rights, such as freedom of expression, education, and access to information. However, unequal access to the internet deepens social inequalities. Recognizing and implementing a new human right is a lengthy process. This paper will first highlight why the internet is essential for the realization of human rights and the correlation between the potential human right to internet access and other human rights. Then, doctrinal approaches to recognizing free access to the internet as a human right will be examined. International instruments recognizing the need to acknowledge the right to internet access will be analyzed, followed by national legislations that have followed this trend. The paper will then examine the practice of the European Court of Human Rights on this issue. The paper emphasizes the significance of the right to access the internet in improving the position of persons with disabilities Finally, attention will be given to the digital divide and other obstacles to recognizing this right as a fundamental human right.

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This paper analyses the accession process of the Republic of Serbia to the European Union, focusing on the period from 2018 to 2022 in the area of political institutions whose reforms are required for Serbia to meet the Copenhagen criteria. By analysing the political aspect of the Copenhagen criteria, the state of political institutions in the Republic of Serbia is presented. The National Assembly, political parties, and independent bodies are institutions that should secure the functioning of society as a system, meet citizens’ demands, and prepare for reforms and modernisation. The paper aims to present some of the challenges these institutions face and prevent or slow down the reform of the legal system of the Republic of Serbia. Through an analysis of the Commission\'s reports, public opinion surveys on trust in institutions, and statements of high-ranking European and Serbian officials, the paper will show what progress Serbia has made in the previous period, taking into account the functioning of these institutions.

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This article offers an alternative hypothesis about the possible transformation of the system of international relations in the early 21st century by changing the centuries-old centre of global security, i.e., the “locus“ from the European to the Indo-Pacific macrospace. The authors introduce five distinctive features of the newly proposed concept that can contribute to methodological efforts to innovate the study of international relations in the future. The discussion traces a set of arguments based on the definitive end of the era of unipolarity caused by a number of processes and events that have taken place over the last few years. The gravity of global security – the locus dominated by the US and supported by other states of the global West – was oriented dominantly to the northern part of the EuroAtlantic area during the last eight decades. Such geographical proximity to the European security regional complex enabled the US to enjoy exclusivity in the sphere of political and security dominance over the entire world. This article aims to examine the trends, principles, and processes that have led to the shift of the locus of global security from the wider area of Europe to the Indo-Pacific region. The authors base their argument on the assumption that the growing economic and strategic importance of the Indo-Pacific region, together with the change in global power dynamics, leads to a shift in the focus of global security efforts to this region and the orientation of the remaining superpowers in the system of international relations to a new geographical area. The authors identify the peculiarities of the Indo-Pacific as a new locus of global security and discuss the future of the \"securityabandoned\" Euro-Atlantic space in the new distribution of global relations.

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From the beginning of the 21st century, Asian politics have been characterised by the rise of China as the main challenger to the current world order and its hegemon, the United States of America. The rise of China is accompanied by the growth of the ambitions of India, a power with significant economic potential and a nuclear arsenal, whose goal is to dominate the Indian Ocean as one of the key waters in this century. However, Beijing\'s active revisionist policy towards the existing order implies its greater presence in the region and control of important infrastructure in the countries surrounding India, which burdens these relations and creates a sense of insecurity in the South Asian and Indian Ocean regions. This tightening of relations between Beijing and New Delhi is progressively being interpreted through the lens of a security dilemma fueled by an increasingly unstable international environment. Using the theoretical work of Robert Jervis in the field of defining the security dilemma, this paper advocates the hypothesis that there is currently no security dilemma between China and India. That is primarily due to the predominant defensive advantage that geography provides for India and the ability to recognise other states’ intentions when making decisions. According to Jervis, these two factors make it impossible to view the bilateral interaction of the two actors as a security dilemma.

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The paper describes and analyses the military cooperation between the Republic of Serbia and the Russian Federation during the last fifteen years, practically since the re-independence of Serbia, i.e., since 2006. Special attention is paid to agreements on military cooperation as well as the effects of their implementation. In addition, the paper explains the modalities of military cooperation between states, the factors that support or hinder it, and the reasons why states conclude agreements in this area. Based on these theoretical-typical patterns, the paper analyses the process of Russian-Serbian military cooperation and its scope. The author lists specific modalities of military cooperation between Serbia and the Russian Federation, looks at its geostrategic framework, and discusses its existing/potential geopolitical effects. A prediction of its realisation/fate in the future was also provided in the context of the war in Ukraine and the tightening of relations between the West and Russia. When writing the paper, several scientific methods were used, the most common of which were analysis and comparison.

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This paper examines the nature of the foreign policy positioning of the Republic of Albania as a small state towards the United States of America as a big power in international relations by analysing their bilateral relations from 2013 to 2022. The paper finds that Albania’s positioning is based on the need to secure an alliance shelter with the United States. The urges to realise the aforementioned alliance stem from Albania’s weaknesses at the international and state domestic levels. The protection that Albania enjoys from the US has a political, military, and economic-social character on an external and internal state basis. The implications of such bilateral relations for Albania include diverse foreign policy loyalties towards the United States. In addition, the consequences of enjoying such protection include substantial penetration and transformative intra-state effects in accordance with the intentions of its protector state.

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The modern era ushers in significant changes in the conventional method of achieving economic growth, bringing us to eco-efficiency in economic growth. Nowadays, eco-efficiency is becoming a measure of progress in green growth and an increasingly preferred way of using resources. Ecoefficiency has become a practical approach for businesses to contribute to sustainable development. The focus of the paper is on eco-efficiency and sustainable development in the agriculture sector. In this context, sustainability in the agricultural sector depends on the existence of ecoefficient production models. A number of parameters were researched with the aim of determining and comparing the development level as well as the level of realisation of sustainable development goals (SDG) in Central and Southeast Europe (CSEE). We used the method of a comparative analysis of SDG indicator values between different CSEE countries in order to assess the effectiveness of countries in advancing the goals of sustainable development. Since this is a relatively unknown indicator in Serbia, we also research to what extent the concept of eco-efficiency is implemented in the Serbian agricultural policy and strategic development documents. The research gave a basic framework for the answers to the question of how to improve Serbian agriculture based on the postulates set within the EU in order to comply with the SDG.

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The main goal of the Open Balkans Initiative is economic integration. It is not an initiative that will replace EU accession but a process that should speed up integration. The research question is whether deeper economic integration is possible without a political and security component. The complexity of this issue is indicated by the fact that the countries-participants in the initiative have different security policies. Serbia has declared military neutrality, while North Macedonia and Albania are NATO members. Inter-state economic integration is almost impossible without coordination at the political and security levels. The sanctions that Russia is facing due to the Ukrainian conflict are not correlated with the Open Balkans but represent indicators of economic trends. Through these indicators, an answer to the question of whether and to what extent the Open Balkans can reach full economic integration if the security policies of the countries that are part of the initiative are not unified, will be reached. The goal is to show how the security and political positioning of states determine inter-state economic flows and, therefore, explain that it is very difficult to achieve full capacities of economic integration without a security and political component.

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The paper presents the development of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) over a period of thirty years, i.e., since its establishment as a regional economic initiative of the countries of the wider Black Sea region. In the meantime, this regional economic initiative has grown into a full-fledged intergovernmental organization that currently consists of thirteen member countries. The Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation territorially covers a very important geostrategic area that represents a natural “bridge” connecting Europe and Asia. In the previous period, the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation managed to overcome many internal and external challenges. However, currently, the Organization is facing a major test due to the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The mentioned conflict caused certain political turbulence in its functioning, which is why the Jubilee Summit on the occasion of 30 years could not be held, even though it was planned for June 2022. Such a negative sequence of international events necessarily requires the preservation of the constructive approach that the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation has practised in previous years by developing economic cooperation among member states to preserve international peace and stability not only in the Black Sea region but also beyond. Since the Republic of Serbia will take over the six-month presidency of the Organization starting on January 1, 2023, it would be politically expedient to make efforts so that the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation continues to act in that direction, contributing to solving the current political crisis.

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The research subject of this paper is the position of Lusophone countries in Portugal\'s foreign policy, i.e., the countries of former Portuguese colonies where Portuguese is still used as an official language. The goal of the research is to prove the initial general hypothesis that, despite being fully integrated into the system of the so-called collective West through membership in NATO and the European Union, Portugal is also interested in political, diplomatic, economic, and any other kind of cooperation with Lusophone countries in South America, Africa, and Asia. The research results unequivocally show that there is a continuous interest of both sides in strengthening mutual ties and cooperation on numerous issues, despite the existing geographical distance and certain historically conditioned animosities. The conclusion is that Portugal is important for other Lusophone countries as a country that represents a bridge between them and Europe, while they are important for Portugal as markets and political allies on the international level, considering that within the European Union and the collective West in general, Portugal still represents a “periphery country”. In our research, we used the historical method, the analysis method, and the comparative analysis method.

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The paper deals with the analysis of the relationship between the European Union and Turkey, examining European integration process as a limiting factor in the strategic development of Turkey. Despite the developed cooperation between Turkey and the European Union in numerous domains, this country has failed to advance towards EU membership. This research investigates the basic arguments in the context of strategic cooperation from the theoretical and practical perspective. The author aims to show that Turkey’s strategic directions in its foreign and domestic policy are key to understanding its relations with the European Union, and its positioning in broader international relations. Apart from that, the migration policy, analyzed in the article, also constitutes an important element in that regard. Skepticism and dissatisfaction regarding Turkey’s EU membership becomes a crucial issue when considering their future cooperation.

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The aim of the paper is reviewing the key elements of the system of contemporary climate change politics and law, as a unique system made up of entities at different levels (from global, through regional to national). The introductory part of the paper highlights the global characteristics of climate change and provides methodological notes. The first part of the paper is dedicated to the consideration of the basic elements of global climate change policy and law in light of the need for a systemic approach to legal climate protection. The provisions of international treaties are analysed: the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (Framework Convention), the Kyoto Protocol (KP), the Paris Climate Agreement (PA), and other relevant international treaties. The second part of the paper analyses the place that regional subjects have in global politics. An overview is also given of the way of implementing global international obligations through the national regulations of Serbia, Montenegro, and Croatia. The paper discusses the position that the legal system in the field of climate change is a unique system. The foundations of that system are defined by international treaties at the global level, and implementation is primarily ensured by the member states. The role of the ‘region’ and the possibility ofregional connections are not clearly emphasized, except in the part that refers to ‘regional organizations of economic integration’. In the conclusion, it is stated that the question of the role of the ‘region’ should be regulated in more detail in the context of a systemic approach to international law.

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This article illuminates the evolutionary path of the concept of national human rights institutions (NHRIs). Today, NHRIs are present in over a hundred countries around the world, with special status in the United Nations system. However, only a small amount of literature has dealt with what led to such a development. This article aims to fill that gap, especially in Serbian and regional literature. Therefore, it critically considers the key phases of the development of the NHRI concept, namely, from the adoption of the Geneva Guidelines in 1978 to the adoption of the Paris Principles in 1991 and their later embedding in the UN system through the decisions of UN bodies. Special attention is given to the models of NHRIs and the accreditation procedures of these institutions, which are unique in the UN system.

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The subject of analysis in this paper is the Hindutva phenomenon as the ideological basis of the Bharatiya Janata Party, the ruling political party in India. The phenomenon of Hindutva will be analysed in a broader social context as a kind of zeitgeist of Indian society and currently the most successful social driver in this country. The authors will give a detailed insight into the basic ideas behind this movement-ideology and analyse the actions of the most important pro-Hindutva social organisations and the goals of their socio-political actions. Finally, the authors will refer to the present situation in this country, that is, to the current consequences of the actions of the followers of Hindutva. The main conclusion of this research is that it points to the deep polarisation of Indian society created precisely by the actions of movements, parties, and individuals closely related to the ideology of Hindutva. The reason for writing this paper is the actuality of Hindutva ideology throughout India and the degree of expansive potential it possesses.

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The paper presents a complex picture of Nigerian society. Of the five factors that fuel conflict in Nigeria, the paper emphasises the religious divide. Nevertheless, the religious divide is not observed in isolation but in the context of other factors that provoke conflicts. These factors are ethnic division and economic factors, i.e., poverty. The paper analyses the ways in which religion influences conflict and seeks to delve into the complex web of Christian and Islamic identities in Nigeria. The change in the political pattern that took place in the presidential elections in March 2023 and the process of introducing Sharia law that began in the early 2000s were identified as challenges of particularimportance. Finally, the paper presents communication channels and conflict-resolution methods.

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The paper presents a comparative study of the position of the Roman Catholic Church in Nicaragua and Brazil in the conditions of the (new) leftist wave in Latin America. With the intention of understanding the complexity of the current situation and predicting future political behaviour, the author asks the following research questions: What does the attitude of the Roman Catholic Church towards the left-wing authorities in Latin America depend on? The aim of the paper is to explain the current position of the Roman Catholic Church in the so-called second pink tide and predict the development of church-state relations in these countries. The hypothesis is that the political behaviour of the Roman Catholic Church towards left-wing authorities, i.e., determination for confrontation or cooperation, is not conditioned only by the current situation on the ground but, above all, by the deeper institutional and ideological relationship between the church and the state. Using Daniel Philpott\'s theoretical framework, the author performs a comparative analysis of the relations between the Roman Catholic Church, i.e., national episcopal conferences, and leftist authorities in Nicaragua and Brazil. For this purpose, he uses the methods of content analysis (constitution and laws) and discourse analysis. He concludes that the relationship between the church and the state in Nicaragua represents conflictual differentiation, while in Brazil, consensual differentiation is at work. The author predicts that in the first case, the Roman Catholic Church, through the resistance of the regime, will strive for democracy, and in the second case, it will balance its (currently quite good) position to maintain its current position.

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Russia’s attack on Ukraine at the end of February 2022, which escalated into the Russian-Ukrainian war, led to significant changes in contemporary international relations. This article explores how the war changed the European Union and Russia’s relationship and affected the Eastern Partnership’s dynamics. The goal is to contribute to the ongoing dialogues about the complexity of the conflict and its profound implications for regional security and stability through the afore-mentioned aspects of the analysis. The main findings indicate that the events in Ukraine triggered in 2014 created a more complex security environment, significantly changing the previous dynamics of EU-Russia relations and increasing tensions. Tension culminated after Vladimir Putin’s bold proposals from December 2021, presented as a kind of ultimatum that should have ensured Russia a fair place in the new European security architecture, were left without a response from the West. After the Russian attack on Ukraine, in an effort to achieve security and broader European stability, there was a need for a redesign and change of focus in the European security architecture. However, not in the way that Russia demanded. Furthermore, the Ukraine crisis and Russia’s subsequent attack on the country have raised concerns among the EU’s eastern neighbours about their security and sovereignty. That is why, despite the challenges of implementing political and economic reforms, these countries received increased support from the EU through the Eastern Partnership. Moreover, although the previous forms of cooperation did not provide a possibility for the membership of these countries in the EU, Ukraine and Moldova also received the status of membership candidates. The war in Ukraine also highlighted the limits of the EU’s normative power, underscoring the importance of hard power, further enhancing defence cooperation at the EU level, and cooperation with NATO as a collective defence mechanism. Thus, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict has had a profound and lasting impact on the security dynamics of Europe, reshaping the interactions of key regional actors.