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This paper investigates the asymmetric geopolitical strategies of Russia and Türkiye in the Western Balkans through a comparative case study of their respective alignments with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. As Euro-Atlantic institutions face objective challenges in deepening integration across the region, Russia and Türkiye have expanded their influence by cultivating strategic partnerships grounded in historical, cultural, and identity-based ties. This dynamic has resulted in a de facto proxy structure: Serbia emerging as Russia’s principal strategic partner in the post-Yugoslav space, and the Bosnian political establishment functioning as Türkiye’s core associate within the complex landscape of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which competing external aspirations and the Croatian political element play a considerable role in shaping the domestic landscape. Using a constructivist and neo-imperial theoretical lens, the paper argues that although Russia and Türkiye pursue distinct modalities of influence, both strategically engage with and reinforce historically embedded identity cleavages. In doing so, they shape a regional order, characterised by selective alignments and competing external orientations. The paper concludes by assessing the implications for regional stability, EU/NATO enlargement, and the evolving balance of power in the Western Balkans.

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This paper explores the role of the European Union in shaping the foreign policy orientation of Western Balkan countries through a comparative case study of Serbia and Albania. The aim of the research is to indicate the factors leading to different outcomes of Europeanization in the region, and to demonstrate the effectiveness and limitations of the EU’s normative influence on the foreign policies of candidate countries. The theoretical framework is based on the concept of the EU’s normative power and the theory of Europeanization, which combined explain how the EU seeks to transfer its norms and values to candidate countries, and show ways in which those countries either internalize or reject those norms and values. Through comparative and qualitative methodological analysis, the paper presents the EU’s foreign policy instruments applied in its relations with Western Balkan countries, as well as the different foreign policy orientations of Serbia and Albania. The EU is a unique actor in the region, whose impact is conditioned by the specific national context of each country, historical legacies, geopolitical priorities, and political narratives, as well as by the credibility of the enlargement process and the consistent application of conditionality mechanisms. The paper concludes that the EU’s role is differentiated and conditioned both by the mechanisms it applies in the Europeanization process and by the internal characteristics of candidate countries, pointing to the need for reevaluation of the existing EU policies and strengthening the socio political will of regional states to internalize European values and norms.

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In an international environment marked by an increasingly pronounced confrontation between the West and the East, Serbia’s foreign policy strategy has been exposed to a range of growing challenges. Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Serbia’s multi-vector faced its most severe stress test to date. Far more intensively than after the annexation of Crimea, Serbia was subjected to pressure to join a coalition aimed at the comprehensive balancing of the Russian Federation. Against this backdrop, the article proposes a two-dimensional balancing strategy matrix to analyse Serbia’s diplomatic, economic, and security-related measures of balancing Russia. The central research question addressed in this study is whether Serbia, through the balancing measures it has undertaken, has abandoned its multi-vector foreign policy strategy after 2022. The findings indicate that Serbia has frequently, albeit selectively, employed mechanisms of diplomatic balancing against Russia, while simultaneously seeking to mitigate their effects by maintaining high-level contacts and publicly justifying these decisions as the product of external pressures and coercion. By reducing the scope of military-technical cooperation with Russia and indirectly supplying arms to Ukraine, Serbia has also engaged in low- to medium-intensity security balancing against Russia. However, by refusing to impose sanctions and to terminate its energy arrangements with Moscow, Serbia has refrained from economic balancing. The selectivity of Serbia’s balancing behaviour, its predominantly low to medium intensity, and persistent efforts to mitigate its impact at the bilateral level, suggest that balancing against Russia is better understood as tactical manoeuvring within the framework of a broader multi-vector strategy, rather than as a fundamental strategic reorientation.

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This paper analyses the National Security Strategy (NSS) of the United States from 2025 as the most important strategic document of American foreign and security policy. The scientific and professional public often discusses the significant changes brought about by this document. However, the constants of American foreign and security policy are incomparably less mentioned. The goal is to examine the key trends of continuity and change in relation to the previous strategies, the 2017 National Security Strategy and the 2022 National Security Strategy. Qualitative content analysis, a systemic comparative approach, and secondary analysis of relevant literature were used. The paper indicates that the 2025 National Security Strategy embodies the traditional elements of the American strategic approach, the importance of economic and technological power, the role of alliances in deterrence, and the need to strengthen the effectiveness of national institutions. At the same time, it introduces significant changes: a dramatic reorientation towards the Western Hemisphere, a new ideological rhetoric towards European partners, a redefinition of relations with Russia and a more explicit use of force in the fight against transnational crime. The paper concludes that the 2025 National Security Strategy represents a paradigmatic hybrid of continuity and change, which will have significant consequences for global order, transatlantic relations, and regional stability, particularly in the context of a reaffirmation of the Monroe Doctrine. Essentially, the subject of the research is an effort to answer the basic question of how the current US administration intends to maintain the US’s position in the global environment, which presents challenges to its dominance and is radically and rapidly changing.

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The existing global financial architecture is increasingly revealing structural flaws in addressing multiple systemic crises, with issues such as dollar hegemony, governance inequity, inadequate representation, and a lack of development orientation becoming particularly pronounced. By employing qualitative research methods and drawing on fundamental theories in international relations, this paper argues that the Global South has transformed from a passive rule-taker into an active reform participant in the reform of global financial architecture through rising economic power, institutional innovation, and consensus forging. However, internal heterogeneity, resistance from existing power structures, and capacity limitations constitute major constraints. The paper posits that, in future reforms, the Global South must strengthen internal coordination, enhance institutional capabilities, and build broad reform coalitions to establish a more equitable, efficient, and inclusive global financial architecture.

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This study examines the relationship between geopolitical risk and the behaviour of the cryptocurrency market during the Russian-Ukrainian crisis. It focuses on major cryptocurrencies. Using an event-based descriptive approach, the study analyses price volatility and trading volumes of Bitcoin (BTC), Ethereum (ETH), and the stablecoin Tether (USDT), as well as investor behaviour during key geopolitical events from Q4 2021 to Q2 2023. Data were collected from public sources, harmonised across exchanges, and cleaned for missing values and anomalies to ensure reliability. Results show that major events, such as Russia’s invasion and subsequent sanctions, triggered sharp short-term fluctuations in BTC and ETH prices, as well as increased volatility and trading activity. USDT remained price-stable but saw significant surges in trading volume, highlighting its role as a temporary safe haven during market uncertainty. These patterns illustrate a dual role of cryptocurrencies during crises: volatile coins react strongly to shocks, while stablecoins provide liquidity and preserve value. The study demonstrates that cryptocurrencies are sensitive to geopolitical developments despite decentralisation. The findings underscore the need for monitoring digital asset markets during political and economic turmoil and offer insights for investors, regulators, and policymakers on the evolving role of cryptocurrencies and stablecoins in global finance. This descriptive analysis does not infer causality but provides a clear and replicable overview of market responses to geopolitical risk.

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Today in Europe there are several countries that occupy an extremely small territory, which is why many of them are considered city-states. Nevertheless, in all these countries there is local self-government. The organization of local self-governments in those countries is not organized in the same way as in other European countries, which is expected due to their territorial size. The establishment of local self-governments in countries with an extremely small territory clearly indicates the importance of organizing lower levels of government. The subject of this paper will be the territorial division of power in Andorra, Luxembourg and Liechtenstein. The aim of the work is to analyze all existing lower levels of government in these states, as well as the way in which they function in terms of their powers. A special emphasis will be placed on the municipal level of government, that is, the one that is parallel or similar to it. The main question in the paper will be how the territorial and institutional specificity of small states shapes the relationship between the central government and local self-government. The small territorial size of the state represents a structural limitation for complete decentralization. This leads to a stronger role of central authorities in the supervision and control of local self-government.

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The transfer of power from the Biden to Trump administration in the United States opened the issue of a possible ending of the Russo-Ukrainian War. The author presents his standpoint by explaining that, apart from the sincere intentions of Washington and Kyiv, for peace in Ukraine to come into being, it is necessary that Russian President Vladimir Putin accepts it because he was the one who started the war. In the paper, the argument that Putin is a decisive factor in the outbreak of this war is derived from the consideration of an array of deeper and intermediate causes of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. To answer the question of what is necessary for Putin’s acceptance of peace, without him restarting the invasion later, we analysed what he wants to achieve in Ukraine, alongside the classification of his war goals. The climax of the analysis is the notion that Putin was motivated to attack Ukraine by an ambition towards historical greatness. Russia’s policy towards Ukraine, in general, and Putin’s invasion, in particular, could be subsumed under a policy of prestige in Hans Morgenthau’s classification. The author concludes that peace, acceptable for Ukraine and the West, is possible only if Putin is allowed to hold occupied territories temporarily to gain the delusion of the individual prestige he craves. At the same time, Russia needs to be further contained, and Ukraine\'s independence must be protected.

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Throughout the history of mutual relations, responses to Latin American socio-economic inequalities have occasionally led the Vatican and Latin America to opposite sides, as was the case in the second half of the 20th century with liberation theology. In the context of the centuries-old continuum of the Roman Catholic faith on the soil of Latin America, this deep-rooted and complex interrelationship, at the crossroads between social, economic, and political spheres, provided space for setting up the hypothesis: the approach of Vatican diplomacy towards the socio-economic inequalities of Latin America with the pontificate of Pope Francis experienced changes in relation to its previous positions. The research analysis is developed through the types and levels of connection of Vatican diplomacy with socio-economic and political developments in Latin America. Following that theoretical context, the scientific methods used in the work are historical-comparative, discourse analysis, analytical-synthetic method, content analysis, and case study method (Nicaragua). The results obtained from the mentioned scientific methods have confirmed that Catholicism is returning to the ideals of the Gospel through the planned and steady trend of modernising church dogma, which is advocated by Pope Francis as the leader of the moderately liberal current of Catholicism. In this way, Vatican diplomacy, through the operational efficiency of the fresh attitudes of Pope Francis, opens new, more humane social and economic paths for Latin America. The aim of the work is to assess the contribution of contemporary Vatican diplomacy to the mitigation of social and economic inequalities in Latin America and to encourage new effective solutions in that area.

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At the core of the existence of international law is the idea of a global society that functions based on universally accepted rules. In this sense, international law, at least part of its norms that aspire to universality, necessarily incorporates universal values, i.e., values recognised and inherited by all civilisations. However, in Western thought, the dominant view is that international law is a product of European Christian culture. Such an attitude has always provoked reactions from the East, which warned that the roots of international law should be both sought for and found in other civilisations, religions, meridians, and cultures, as well as that international law, if it wants to be universally accepted, must recognise its transcivilisational nature. A review of this discussion, which is certainly interesting, gives us many insights that can help us better understand the contemporary moment and the crisis of the global international legal order.

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If we start from the postulate that military strategy involves conducting war to achieve a specific goal, a fundamental prerequisite for engaging in military strategy is understanding war. Given that war represents one of the most complex social phenomena, which continuously changes its basic characteristics over time, it is challenging to \"tame\" the essential traits of war. Considering this complex nature of war, determining its dynamic nature is more practical if we focus on one of its characteristics, in this case, the spatial dimension of war. Understanding the spatial dimension of war is one of the prerequisites for understanding war itself and how it has evolved. Historically, wars were fought through close combat, which allowed for a clearly defined geographical space and a social construct that attributed solely war-related purposes to it. That raises the question of whether the concept of the battlefield can today be defined in both spatial and social-constructivist terms. The fundamental assumption on which this work rests is that the battlefield has undergone a complete transformation, which reached its peak with the development of hybrid warfare, turning from a space where geography had primacy over war into a space where war has primacy over geography. Analysing military strategic thinking from Sun Tzu to contemporary military strategists, it becomes evident that today, in conducting war to achieve political objectives, the focus is not on tactics that best adapt to geographical circumstances but rather on tactics that best overcome geographical circumstances. Thus, the spatial dimension of war, both in strategic thinking and tactical action, has expanded to the point where the battlefield cannot be geographically limited or understood as a social construct that separates military from civilian

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This article explores the new migration wave from Russia, triggered by the Russian-Ukrainian conflict(February 2022-December 2024), and its implications for the economy of the Republic of Serbia. The influx of young, educated, and highly skilled migrants from Russia has contributed to the launch of numerous economic ventures. However, it also comes with a set of challenges for Serbian policymakers. The author initially hypothesises that the influx of Russian professionals and businesses brings positive changes to the Serbian economy in the short term. On the other hand, limited interaction with local Serbian professionals reduces the long-term benefits that this migration could have. The author discusses these challenges and suggests several recommendations, i.e., measures to improve this situation, such as introducing targeted grant programmes that will support joint investments of Russian and Serbian professionals, partnerships between Russian IT companies and Serbian universities, and revision of employment incentives

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This paper examines the complex dynamics of Russia-Israel relations through the lens of the concept of “balanced friendship” as a key to understanding their contemporary relations, with a particular focus on the impact of the Gaza war on these relations. The dynamics of Russia-Israel relations reflect the ability of both states to maintain stable relations while often balancing between their own goals and mutual recognition of each other\'s interests. The seriousness of the current situation caused by the Gaza war has certainly tested the limits of this bilateral relationship and redefined the priorities of their cooperation. The first part of the paper analyses the concept of friendship in international relations theory, applied to the relationship between Russia and Israel, highlighting the historical, economic, social, and security aspects that enabled the development of this specific relationship. The paper then turns to the concept of balancing, emphasising how the conflicting regional interests and different allied networks of Russia and Israel have led to the development of relations that combine cooperation and rivalry. In the third part, the paper examines how events following the start of the Gaza war have altered the dynamics of these relations, emphasising the need for clearer positioning of the two states\' stances. The paper\'s starting assumption is that the Gaza war has had a negative impact on Russia-Israel relations, manifesting in more intense balancing and suppression of the elements of friendship. The current situation in the Middle East indicates that regional instability, along with growing geopolitical tensions, has redefined the priorities and strategic calculations of both sides, raising questions about the sustainability of their balanced friendship. To this end, a qualitative methodological approach, primarily through discourse analysis, will be used to review official documents from both states, statements by state officials, and publicly available information on Russia-Israel relations.

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The aim of the paper is to review the shortcomings of the content of the Convention on the Prevention and punishing the crime of genocide in relation to the interpretation of its creator Rafael Lemkin, in order to identify potential agents and factors political influence on the prosecution of the crime of genocide. In the introductory part points to the omitted Lemkin methods of genocide prescribed in Conventions and the application of certain legal institutes with pronounced political narrative, which have been confirmed in the work of international criminal courts (ICTR and ICTY) and certain non-governmental organizations, with a tendency to find solutions in limiting political influence on the implementation of the Convention. In proving the connection between politics and genocide, that is, the execution degree arguments misuse of the concept of genocide for political purposes, such as relevant indicators will be used: content of the Convention, certain legal institutes derived from cases of international criminal courts, positions and opinions of the judges of the International Court of Justice on genocide, but also of individuals non-governmental organizations in proving the crime of genocide. Systematizing given parameters into one whole, a conclusion about the elements would be derived genocide, on the basis of which the existing one could possibly be upgraded the definition of genocide in accordance with Lemkin\\\'s principle questions, inter for whom the primary issue is the politicization of genocide.

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Since the moment the term Serbian World entered broader public discourse, it has been continuously associated with the concept of Russkiy Mir. Therefore, this study adopts a comparative analytical approach, aiming to systematically examine both concepts in order to identify their similarities and differences. In addition, the research employs qualitative content analysis of selected public statements made by prominent societal actors in which comparisons between the Serbian concept and Russkiy Mir are explicitly drawn. This approach is particularly important for understanding the Serbian World and for placing it in the context of similar ideological constructs. Given that it represents a mental construct, the study also focuses on the processes of mental framing of the world, as interpreted primarily by non-Serbian, that is, regional political and academic elites, along with the broader processes of conceptualization of reality. Based on the findings, the paper concludes that it is primarily opponents of the concept who characterize the Serbian World as a borrowed idea modelled after its supposed Russian counterpart, with the intention of discrediting it in public discourse. These critics assume that the Serbian World carries territorial implications, imperial aspirations, and a tendency toward redrawing national borders. However, the research results indicate that despite certain similarities, the concept of the Serbian World was not modelled on Russkiy Mir, but constitutes an authentic idea grounded in the interests of the Serbian people and its political elites.

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The primary aim of this paper is to elucidate the influence of neo-conservative paradigms on the transformation of the political landscape in Central Europe, with a particular focus on four EU member states from the Visegrád Group. The author argues that conservative forces in the region are seeking to establish their own geopolitical paradigm, thereby constructing a foundation for broader political legitimization, through the promotion of strengthened national autonomy, historical and cultural continuity, and traditional values. These efforts are not merely intended to counterbalance the dominant liberal democratic principles and discourses of the European Union, but also to articulate an alternative narrative framework for critically reassessing those very principles. In this context, conservative actors (including those often labeled “illiberal”) place significant emphasis on local traditions and identities, as well as on the importance of national sovereignty. This is occasionally accompanied by manifestations of so-called “political messianism,” in contrast to which supranational integration is frequently characterized as abstract, ambiguous, or even hegemonic. Drawing on the intersection of theoretical frameworks and methodological perspectives from various disciplines, including the history of European integration, identity studies, and populism, the paper seeks to shed light on the complex interrelations between neo-conservative ideological matrices, religious embeddedness, and ethnic affiliation. In doing so, it contributes to a deeper understanding of the contemporary political constellations and challenges faced by Central Europe.

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The article explores the development, challenges, and future prospects of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in light of the evolving concept of EU strategic autonomy. Through a comprehensive historical and legal analysis, the authors trace the institutional evolution of CFSP from its early attempts at political unification to its current form, highlighting persistent obstacles rooted in national sovereignty and intergovernmental decision-making. The Russian aggression against Ukraine serves as a current example, demonstrating the CFSP’s structural weaknesses, especially the reliance on consensus. The authors argue that genuine strategic autonomy requires deeper institutional reform, technological and industrial capacity building, and a redefinition of EU external action in a multipolar world marked by rivalry among major powers. The paper concludes that the EU’s survival as a global actor depends on overcoming internal divisions, reinforcing its normative identity, and adopting a coherent strategy that balances autonomy with transatlantic and multilateral cooperation. Without such reform, CFSP risks remaining a declaratory policy, inadequate for the demands of the current geopolitical environment.

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The implementation of the human security concept (HS) entails the operationalisation of theoretical postulates to mitigate orreduce the intensity of threats that jeopardise individuals and communities. The implementation of state policies and strategies that affect the level of human security is based on the top-down principle. On the other hand, the operationalisation, i.e., the implementation of citizen-related security activities, requires the bottom-up implementation to respond as quickly as possible. The disadvantage of the described situation is that state strategies rarely change and are often inconsistent with altered circumstances at lower levels. At the strategic level, a state, as an inert structure, is slow to respond to the requirements of the situation to protect the interests of its citizens. In practice, this scenario leads to problems in the efficiency of the implementation of activities affecting the state of citizens’ security at the local level. The delay and mismatch between the strategic level (changing the national strategy and its operationalisation) and the level of meeting the needs of citizens require the introduction of new elements of the institutional structureto bridge the gap between the strategic and operational levels. This approach can be called security system hybridisation, conceptually realised in the appropriate form of the Hybrid Security Architecture (HySec). Hybridisation, in this context, involves upgrading the political system and reforming the security sector with the appropriate use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT). Conceptually and functionally, the HySec structure connects a knowledge-based analytical framework (the concept of human security) with concrete data obtained from citizens orrepresentatives of their associations. The results of the work of both components are superimposed and used for integral management, as well as for predicting the future HS status. In this way, the harmonisation of state and non-state actors in the field of security is achieved through the implementation of policy-making activities and the development of operational programmes to raise the level of security and realise human rights at the level of local communities. By hybridising the security system in an infrastructural form through a decentralised computer network, based on a hybrid cloud architecture with multiple levels of access, it can encourage citizen participation and thus contribute to the achievement of HS goals.

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The frequency of military coups in Africa increased following the independence wave and then stabilised, particularly during the democratic transition phase that began in the early 1990s. However, coups have resurged in recent years to the extent that they have become one of the quickest and most straightforward means of seizing power on the continent. This paper examines the crises of coups in Africa within the context of international law. In doing so, it aims to enhance understanding and provide insights into potential solutions. To achieve this objective, tools specific to history, political science, and international law were used. This paper employed document analysis, causal analysis, comparative analysis, and case studies. The findings reveal the inadequacy of international rules in addressing and preventing the crises. Furthermore, these rules frequently leave loopholes that allow coup plotters to legitimise their actions and evade accountability. Therefore, a balanced approach that integrates the strengths of both soft and hard law may be essential for enhancing existing mechanisms and developing new strategies that prioritise prevention, promote good governance, and ensure accountability for coup leaders.

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The topicalisation of the green economy has gained attention in the Balkan Peninsula. While other EU countries have made significant progress on various greening policy issues, the Western Balkan countries (WBCs) are moving at a slower pace. The WBCs show substantial potential; they possess the capacity for growth, and regulations regarding greening have improved considerably. However, the transition from a brown to a green economy is progressing slowly. The expansion of green transition finance concepts, through measures such as green foreign direct investment, development aid, green loans, and green bonds, has revealed many limitations of traditional investment approaches. By analysing the current situation in EU-Serbia relations and Serbia’s capacities and potential concerning greening policy, we conduct an analysis that draws analogies from various aspects of the effectiveness of green investments in the economic sectors. The study identifies the role of financing in the economic growth of the WBCs. It also examines the role of EU development assistance, the main trading partner of the Western Balkans region (WBR). This research provides concrete recommendations for economic policymakers to enhance the efficiency of financing the green transition, thereby contributing to the development and modernisation of the WBCs.

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This paper analyzes Saudi Arabia’s nuclear aspirations, particularly in the context of Iranian nuclearization. The primary objective is to identify the key factors driving Saudi Arabia’s nuclear ambitions. The central research question guiding this analysis is: Does the accelerated development of Iran’s nuclear program serve as a catalyst for Saudi Arabia’s own nuclear ambitions? The theoretical framework underpinning this study is rooted in the balance of threat theory, developed within the realist school of international relations. Methodologically, the study relies on content analysis and discourse analysis. Research findings suggest that the rapid development of Iran’s nuclear program is a key factor elevating the existing Iranian threat to a new level— one deemed unacceptable to Saudi Arabia, especially in light of its perception of Iran’s aggressive intentions. The paper concludes that, despite its current lack of infrastructure and technological capability to match Iran in the short term, Saudi Arabia is likely to pursue a latent nuclear capability. This course of action is particularly plausible amid growing uncertainty surrounding extended deterrence from its allies. In doing so, Saudi Arabia is expected to adopt a strategy of nuclear hedging, similar to that employed by Iran.

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Deterrence in the Russian Federation is regulated in detail in strategic documents, which is covered in this research. The public prescription of the actions of the armed forces, security services and foreign policy of the Russian Federation in relation to threats to the state, as well as the announcement of their actions by the political and military elite of this great power, is one of the characteristics that have characterized the deterrence methodology of the Russian Federation for decades. The deterrence concepts of the Russian Federation have been adapted to current threats, opportunities and information-technological progress, because the sluggishness in monitoring changes in huge systems, which can hardly keep up with rapid changes in development, types and quantity of usable weapons, tools, etc. systems of deterrence, which very often require decades of development, but this deficiency is compensated by the rapid adaptation of the non-intelligence activities of the security services in the political, economic, propaganda, paramilitary, etc. activities with a special emphasis on deterrence in the information domain. Considering that ever since the conclusions of the Hoover Commission in 1954, that if the United States of America wants to survive, the concept of „fair play\" must be reconsidered, that is, it must be learned to subvert, sabotage and destroy the enemies with smarter, more sophisticated and more effective methods than those which are used against the USA.

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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 reshaped the foundations of European security. In response, Sweden and Finland abandoned decades of military nonalignment and transitioned towards NATO membership. This paper examines how, during the accession process (2022–2023), Finland and Sweden strategically reframed existing regional institutions, such as NORDEFCO, the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy, NATO-EU coordination mechanisms, and Nordic-Baltic forums, into instruments of political influence and normative action. Drawing on postulates of alliance theory (Walt’s balance-of-threat and Snyder’s alliance security dilemma), institutional regionalism, and theories of security alignment under crisis (Lake’s hierarchy model and Acharya’s regional security frameworks), we analyse how functional cooperation forums were transformed into platforms for strategic signalling, anticipatory coordination, and “soft deterrence”. Official statements and political speeches show that regional forums were used to demonstrate unity, coordinate defence efforts, and maintain deterrence throughout the period leading up to complete NATO integration. Partnerships that had previously focused on technical or economic cooperation took on a new role, helping align Nordic defence practices with those of allied structures and providing political legitimacy for the security transition. In this context, regional institutions acted as a bridge towards formal military alignment, supporting collective defence before treaty commitments were in place.