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This paper aims at presenting the most notable academic debates on Euroscepticism, as well as presenting the results of public opinion research on European integration of the Republic of Serbia. Research questions to which this paper will offer potential answers are related to the involvement of Euroscepticism within the political identity of Serbian citizens in the context of current negotiations with the European Union. As a secondary source of data, the author will use the results of researches conducted for the Serbian European Integration Office, for the 2009–2017 period. The author will chronologically present development of public opinion concerning the Serbian membership within the European Union. Besides, factors which lead to continuous Euroscepticism in the Republic of Serbia will also be addressed. The conclusion of this paper suggests that there is a long-term and high-level existence of Euroscepticism of Serbian citizens, especially after the Stabilisation and Association Agreement was signed in 2008.

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This paper studies the role of the European Union as a mediator in the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristine, since 2011. The highlight is on the engagement of the Union as a mediator, rather than the position of the sides in the dialogue, their interests or opinions towards the dialogue and mediator. The goal is to determine the most important successes that the Union has achieved, but also the failures because often there is a one-sided picture in which positive outcomes are attributed to the mediator and the negative ones to the sides in the dialogue. The process of mediation itself is examined through the methodological frame which determines the format, key dimensions and strategies. The main conclusion is that the role of the European Union as a mediator in the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristine is only partly successful – it records formal successes and informal failures. Defining the successes in the dialogue and the mediation imposes itself as the main future challenge.

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The civil war in Syria, which has been raging since 2011, in addition to the huge number of migrants on the soil of Europe, as a consequence also has an escalation of terrorism not only in Europe but worldwide. Suppression of terrorism as a global problem has been entrusted, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, to the Security Council, as the highest body in charge of maintaining international peace and security. The issue of terrorism is often abused and treated by the Member States as a means of implementing both external and internal policies of the great powers, ignoring the fact that their action should be in commune bonum, i.e. the general good of humanity, which is highly endangered by this complex form of political violence. Bearing in mind that the media in Serbia in most cases did not report on the resolutions dealing with the topic of terrorism, but the focus was on the sensational element of terrorist attacks, the need arises for a comprehensive analysis of these documents taking into account their legal force.

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Continuous strengthening of Turkey along with the changed global circumstances caused by the end of the Cold War has created the possibility of determining a comprehensive and relatively independent state strategies, embodied in the concept of neo-Ottomanism. The region of the Balkans has a great significance in this strategy, with a special emphasis on the geopolitical space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since the coming to power of the AKP, led by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, new impulses are visible in the direction of strengthening the political, economic, security and cultural aspects of the Turkish presence in BiH. The implementation of the concept of neo-Ottomanism in the territory of BiH is largely directed at protecting the interests of the Muslim factor, and often against the interests of the other two nations. Political influence is the most dominant part of the Turkish presence, while economic and cultural are marked by some strengthening. On the other hand, since the beginning of the civil war (1992–1995), the impact on the Muslim factor, but also the entire territory of BiH, apart from Turkey, has Iran and Saudi Arabia, which are seeking to strengthen their own influence and geopolitical strategies in this area.

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The paper analyzes the position of Japan in the region of East Asia, with a reference to the historical course of time, from its rise to a regional and then to a great power, which used its capacity to achieve imperialistic goals. Also, the paper includes an analysis of the Japanese ability to regain the old position in the regional distribution of power, following the departure of the US controllers in 1952. A special consideration was given to Japan\'s strategy to maintain a status quo in the Far East in the new circumstances, primarily in the rise of China as a world power.

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Irrational use of the waters of the Syr Darya and the Amu Darya, in Central Asia, and in the area of the Aral basin, led to a major disruption of the water balance of the Aral Sea. During the 60s of the last century, the decision of the Soviet Union authorities, the region was transformed into a \"cotton region\" for whose needs was built a large number of irrigation channels. Requirements for the production of cotton grew from year to year, which contributed to the increase of the drinking water consumption. Since 1961, the intake of water in the lake has been so reduced that it could not compensate for the amount of water lost by evaporation. In this way, the water level in the lake was constantly decreasing, so that in 1989 the lake level dropped by 14 m compared to 1960. However, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, in the Aral basin were created 5 new countries, which could not find a common ground regarding the allocation and use of drinking water resources, which only worsened the huge environmental disaster in the region, leaving the immeasurable consequences (climatic, environmental, social and health) not only on wildlife but also on people. The tendency of every newborn state to have the primacy in the use and consumption of limited resources of drinking water, or desire to do the utmost to fully exploit \"their\" potable water resources, which are the primary catalyst for the growth of their weak economies, represents the most serious security threat that could destabilize the Central Asian region, and undoubtedly increase the existing potential militarization, disputes and conflicts over this limited but renewable natural resource. In the paper is especially emphasized the true state of drinking water resources in Central Asia – the Aral basin, the causes and consequences of the international dispute in the Aral Sea basin.

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The subject of this work are political preconditions for establishing regionalism and regionalization in Bosnia and Herzegovina and other countries. Also, the author is discussing what are the experiences of other countries and the general conditions for the development of regionalism, and what are the geopolitical aspects of regionalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Regionalization is encouraged by strategic, economic and, often, cultural factors. By intensifying regionalization, consolidating security, economic, cultural, religious and other forms of connections and alliances, states of a certain region deepen the existing or define new forms of regional cohesion. However, when it comes to BiH, it should be noted that a clear and harmonized regional policy and compliance at all levels of “authorities” or, more precisely, of “managing” the direction in which the regional policy should be developed does not exist.

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The purpose of the IMF programs is to help developing countries faced with economic and financial challenges by strengthening the stability of their foreign exchange rates, financial systems, and national currencies. This further leads to an increase in the reputation of these member-states and consequently in the confidence of foreign investors, as well as the acceleration of regional development. Nevertheless, in spite of positive results, the IMF has been criticized because it has been transformed from a consultative, technical, and non-political institution into an institution that limits the integrity of its member-states that do not achieve the expected economic growth, although under pressure by the proliferation of conditions. However, if responding to this criticism, we take into account the capacity of governments to implement reforms and the tendency of politicians toward corruption, it is clear why the IMF uses the need of member-states for loans and the relationship of subordination in the implementation of the policy of conditionality. But, it is also necessary that the IMF’s conditions for its programs be adapted to specific circumstances of the member-states.

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Donald Trump’s administration inherited from its predecessor the worst state of the US-Russian relations since the Cold War. In spite of the expectations that Trump’s election could lead to a new attempt of US Russian rapprochement, it still does not happen. In this paper, it is argued that the main cause of Trump’s failure to start a rapprochement process with Russia lies in the absence of his “grand strategy”, which makes domestic political dynamics in the US the decisive factor in the continuation of inertia of Washington’s foreign policy. However, the author does not see either the possibility of further deterioration in the US-Russian relations or opening new geopolitical fronts of their conflict. In this sense, recent US pressure on Serbia regarding its relations with Russia is not based on the reality of the US-Russian relations, but on propaganda. Difficulties which Serbia faces to overcome this pressure is the consequence of its political elite’s wrong estimate that the US foreign policy after the elections would change positively for Serbia.

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It is noticeable that from 2014 we are witnessing the intensification of relations between Serbia and Albania. Until then, official communication between two countries was mostly conducted through a multilateral format. Since then, Belgrade and Tirana have focused on bilateral relations: Aleksandar Vučić was Serbia\'s first Prime Minister in history who visited Tirana and Edi Rama was the first Albanian official who traveled to Belgrade after 68 years. A joint aim of the two countries is to work on strengthening economic relations, increasing trade, expanding cooperation in the field of tourism and building infrastructure projects. However, despite all announcements, relations between two countries remain complex and burdened primarily with the issue of the status of Kosovo and Metohija. Therefore, bilateral cooperation between Belgrade and Tirana can be seen primarily as a political necessity which both countries carry out to show that they meet the criteria for good neighborly relations and thus continue the process of “euro integration”. On the other hand, the stands on issues of importance for the security of both countries remain opposed, which in the long run does not give a hope for the development of cordial and fruitful relations. The attempt to build Serbian-Albanian relations on new foundations is, therefore, a difficult project and the current activities of both countries should be seen as a constructiveness that is manifested because of the pressure of the EU integration.

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Serbia has been faced with the growing depopulation tendency for a quarter of a century now (negative population growth rate is ever increasing and the emigration of young people, especially highly educated and talented people, has become more and more dynamic), and inclusive of weak economic performances and a very modest economic growth, as well. In fact, nowadays, it has been faced with major challenges as it has become the country of immigration, transit country and the country of origin for many people who have had to leave their homes for various reasons. The migration management policy has become an important area of the public policies, both on the national and international level. The economic theory of the cross-border migration deals mostly with the following questions: Why do people migrate? Who migrates? What are the implications of both of the countries of origin and a country of destination? Although there is a tendency in the bibliography to distinguish between internal and international (external) migration, there is, in fact, only one economic theory of migration. The Migration is an investment in one\'s well-being. The efficiency of migration policies is often challenged due to the alleged failure to manage the immigration in a way to protect the country against unwanted migrants and their unproductive effects. However, as a result of the basic methodological and conceptual limitations, the evidence remained unclear. The central question which the author seeks to answer is as follows: How the Serbian migration policy affects the size, direction and nature of migration into and out of the country? In addition, what are the effects of migration and the significance of these effects for the overall development of Serbia? In order to build conceptual clarity, the author draws a distinction between the effects of immigration policy regarding migration volume, geographical mobility, the composition of migration (legal channels and characteristics of the migrants, with particular emphasis to the talents), the timing of migration and return of migration to their countries of origin. Finally, the author suggests some measures and activities that the state authorities should undertake to minimize losses and maximize the gain from the external migration of Serbia.

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The paper analyzes the problems of national minorities and considers a place that it has in the foreign policy of Serbia. The author postulates the thesis that respect for minority rights, as national minorities in Serbia and Serbs in the region, is of importance to bilateral relations with neighboring countries and underlines the significance of minority issues in the process of integration of Serbia into the EU, primarily through the implementation of the Action Plan for the realization of the rights of national minorities in the context of the chapter 23 (judiciary and security) in negotiations with the European Union. The paper summarized the normative framework of respect for minority rights in Serbia, with reference to the basic international documents relating to the legal status of national minorities and presented the thesis on the need for its further improvement. The author points to the key problems of minority communities in Serbia and their main requirements, as well as the unresolved issues of Serbs in the region. The paper highlights the commitment of Serbia to the effective respect for the rights of national minorities and the further improvement of the situation of the Serbian community in the region, with emphasis on recognition of the Serbian minority in Slovenia, the conclusion of a bilateral agreement on the protection of national minorities with Albania, defining the status of Serbs in Montenegro, etc. In addition, the minority problem should be solved in a bilateral framework and dialogue, while an important role has the respect of bilateral agreements on protection of national minorities that Serbia has signed with Hungary, Romania, Croatia and Macedonia, and regular maintenance of the intergovernmental mixed commission with those countries. Bearing in mind that the resolution of minority issues is relevant to the improvement of bilateral relations with neighboring countries and for the process of integration of Serbia into the European Union, as our foreign policy priorities, the author underlines the importance that the issue of national minorities has in the foreign policy of Serbia, concluding that it could be considered one of its determinants.

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The prohibition of torture is dealt with by a large number of international instruments, general and specialized, both at the universal and the regional level. However, most of them do not include a definition of torture, so that the one provided by the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment is deemed relevant coming from the most comprehensive act. This Convention specifically excludes the possibility of invoking any exceptional circumstances which would make torture justified. Although there are individual theorists contrasting such a position in the light of the “ticking bomb” scenario, international law has no dilemma. Considering the international treaties and the practices of the supervisory bodies, the absolute character of the prohibition of torture has been unambiguously established. It is a jus cogens norm that binds all countries of the world and allows no deviation under any circumstances.

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Terrorist groups are using cyberspace to propagate propaganda, to place ideological, political, religious ideas, for mutual communication and organization of activities, planning attacks in the physical world, financing. Social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Telegrams have contributed to radicalization and recruitment, primarily of children and young people who accept the principles of terrorists and join their ranks. Modern ways of communication have enabled terrorists to successfully increase membership and their ranks without direct, physical contact. The article attempts to analyze the role of social networks and the ways in which content influences children and young people to join the Islamic state.

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This paper observes the evolution of EU-Russia relations from the end of the Cold War to the beginning of the Ukraine crisis and the following civil war. These relations evolved from Russia`s tolerant view on EU eastern enlargement and mutual cooperation, to the disputes over “Еuropean neighbor policy” and whole spectra of other issues. All of these problems were consequences of different geopolitical concepts and “natures” of both Russia and the EU. The paper further analyses classical and contemporary position of Ukraine and the influences of great powers geo-strategies on its crisis, which brought to the stronger confrontation of the EU and Russia, but also to the attempts of some of most important EU members to participate, together with Russia, in peace negotiations between belligerent powers.

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ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) or the Islamic State of Iraq and Levanta is a terroristic organization which under its control, at the moment, holds parts of the territory of the States of Iraq and Syria that are about the size of the Great Britain. Besides the great territory that it holds, ISIS possesses such an organizational structure that has all characteristics of the organization of any state. The territory that is controlled by them, which has authority over a few million inhabitants of the occupied areas, as well as organizational structure, show that ISIS is not just an ordinary terroristic organization, but it acquires all forms of a state. Financial means are the main source of power of the Islamic State. Oil control and power sources taken from the occupied territories give them the greatest source of financial income. Besides the control of the oil sources, ISIS also obtains its financial income from different ways of taxing the local residents. Kidnappings and hijacking for the account of ransom money, as well as donations from residents, also represent important forms of their source of financing. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria has been declared on the 29th of June 2014 for a Caliphate, while Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi has been announced to be a Caliph. With its force ISIS presents a great threat to the Middle East Region, as well as to the global safety.

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After Croatia retook control over previously Serb-held areas of Western Slavonia and Krajina in military offensives “Flash” and “Storm” launched in May and August of 1995, Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium remained as the only part of Croatian territory under Serbian control. While in autumn of 1995 the international community was focused on achieving a negotiated settlement for Bosnia, the Zagreb’s priority was to reintegrate Eastern Slavonia into Croatian constitutional framework. As it became clear that “the road to Dayton necessarily lead through Eastern Slavonia”, President Clinton’s administration sought to find a solution for Eastern Slavonia, which would be satisfactory to Croatian President Tudjman in order to get his support for agreement on Bosnia. The final agreement on the peaceful reintegration of Eastern Slavonia was reached between Presidents Tudjman and Milosevic in Dayton, whereas the formal document (Erdut Agreement) was signed on 12 November in Zagreb and Erdut.

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The main research question posed in this article is could foreign policy considerations of Milovan Milovanović (Serbian politician, diplomat and a fruitful author from the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century) be regarded as a theory of foreign policy? Our thesis is that these considerations are a pre-theory of foreign policy. After a description of the key Milovanović’s hypotheses about the foreign policy behavior of states in international relations, we will test could they be regarded as a comprehensive theory using two tools: 1) the minimal test; 2) the optimal test. Finally, we would try to locate Milovanović’s pre-theory inside broader realpolitik thought, as well as to analyze its relevance for contemporary foreign policy theoretical approaches.

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Position of the Serbian minority in Croatia has been significantly worsened since this country joined the European Union in 2013. However, causes of this situation are not recent. They go back further in time and relate to the formation of the identities of the two people who have built up in mutual dynamic relation. As a consequence of the surviving ethnonationalism in politics of the two states, it was not enough to arrange position of the minorities only by law. The real challenge was to implement that law. There is a certain constant which provides us to see that every time Croatia falls into institutional crises, the anti-Serb mechanism initiates. In this paper, the author also tries to notice that this constant continues after Croatia joined the EU which has already been in deep crisis itself.

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Energy represents one of the most crucial factors of the global economic development. Outgrowing the pure economic significance, it has touched on a number of new fields, security being one the most prominent kind. Volatility of the global system has put into focus the necessity of reaching energy security, looking both from the energy exporter and from energy importer states\' point of view, but including transit countries as well. A number of indicators that influence energy security (especially energy prices), and the need for its institutionalisation, tell us how the whole energy market is changing and dependent on the complex scheme of interests where every player has its own role in maintaining the basic stability. The emergence of energy security dilemma is the prime example of the way that the behaviour of one state affects the behaviour of other states. Therefore, the highlight of the near future will be placed onto measures for energy supply diversification in order to minimise the impact of energy security issues on overall foreign policies. At the same time, the new transformation of the global energy market tells us that the time of the changing geopolitical map and roles has come.

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Most of the on-going armed conflicts in the world are distinctive by the use of private military and security companies, so their capabilities become an important factor in modern conflicts and international relations. In some cases, the number of private security contractors exceeds the number of armed forces, and thus the success of the international military campaigns, largely depends on the services provided by private security sector. Armed conflict zones (not exclusively the war zones), have a number of similar and complementary terms, which are significant from a legal point of view. Due to incidents where humanitarian law was severely breached, it pointed out the urgent need for adequate regulation of the subject at the international level. The paper analyzes the relevant documents, with a critical review of the legal status of private military and security companies and private security contractors in the armed conflict zones.