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This article investigates the causes of the shutdown of Libya’s nuclear weapons program, which lasted from the establishment of Muammar Gaddafi’s regime until 2003. The author analyses the phases of the nuclear weapons program, observing three periods, from attempts to purchase a produced nuclear bomb, through establishing cooperation with other countries in order to procure production technology, to the last phase of relying on own capacities with external assistance and illegal procurement of nuclear elements on the black market. By analysing the practices of foreign policy and internal nuclear activities, the author tries to locate the main causes of the stoppage of Libya’s nuclear program through the prism of a realistic paradigm. Rejecting the thesis of insufficient personnel capacity as a reason for stopping the nuclear program and the possibility of economic sanctions to deliver results, the author emphasizes the fear of targeting as the main cause for abandoning nuclear ambitions. Elaborating on Gaddafi’s pragmatism and the difference between declared and real intentions, the author emphasizes the importance of understanding the nature of the regime driven by the desire for the first Arab nuclear bomb. The theory of hegemonic stability offers a basis for a theoretical interpretation of Libyan behaviour and the final abandonment of the nuclear weapon program. This article opens up space for future academic analysis, such as the issue of the capability of nuclear weapons to deter military intervention and whether Libya would be attacked in the case of further work on the nuclear bomb.

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This paper presents an analysis of the differences between Serbia and Croatia’s negotiation process for EU membership, especially those which have influenced the course and outcomes of the negotiations so far, as well as the bilateral relations between the two countries. Although the negotiations are a nominally suitable framework for resolving open issues between the candidate countries, due to the lack of political will, neither Serbia nor Croatia has used that capacity. Of all the neighbouring countries, Serbia has the most unsolved issues with Croatia (minority issues, missing persons, exiled and internally displaced persons, border demarcation on the Danube, successions and many others). The dynamics of relations have significantly changed since Croatia became a member in 2013, gaining a much-privileged position in regard to Serbia as a candidate. The main thesis of the paper is that the European Union has at the very least contributed to maintaining the status quo in Serbo-Croatian bilateral relations by raising the question of normalization of relations between Belgrade and Pristina above any other political questions, as well as bilateral relations with the countries in the region. It should be kept in mind that the relations between Serbia and Croatia are not only bilateral, but they also have their implications in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which further emphasizes the importance of improving bilateral relations for long-term peace and stability in the Balkans. The reasons for the Union’s position can be found in its efforts to expand its influence in the region. With its engagement in resolving the Kosovo issue, and due to the reduction of its so-called transformative power, the EU has reached the maximum of its capacities, which is why it has taken a passive position when it comes to bilateral disputes. The double standards sporadically used by the EU when it comes to Serbia and Croatia were already visible in the Stabilization and Association Process that precedes the negotiation process, which will be discussed in the first part of the paper. The conditions for membership have not been formally changed, but they have changed in essence. These changes are one of the reasons for Serbia\'s slow progress towards EU membership, reasons which are basically of a political nature. These changes will be presented in the second part of the paper. In the end, we will try to evaluate whether this action of the EU and the negotiation process itself had a positive or negative impact on the development of good neighbourly relations between the two countries.

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The development of artificial intelligence and management in the field of informatics and cybernetics brought drastic changes in the technical means used in armed conflicts at the beginning of the 21st Century. Technical innovations have made a significant impact on the capability of the Armed Forces. Due to increasing technological progress the Law of Armed Conflict has become inadequate and for that reason has attracted the attention of the doctrine. The use of autonomous and automated combat systems (drones, unmanned aerial vehicles, unmanned vehicles and vessels, self-propelled weapons, etc.), which can find targets on their own, do not have a clear legal (international legal) status. Autonomous and automated combat systems themselves are tools, weapons and thus a legitimate military target. The scientific and technological revolution has made significant changes in the field of conducting combat operations, but especially in the area of preparing combat operations and issuing orders for conducting those operations. Thus, the extremely fast and drastic technological development of combat means has doubly influenced the modern conduct of armed struggle. First, he perfected the technique for conducting armed combat and second, according to the principle of feedback, such developed means influenced the emergence of new methods of conducting combat operations and vice versa, the emergence of new demands by military thought for new more sophisticated combat means. The paper aims to define autonomous and automated combat systems and point out possible violations of the norms of international law of armed conflict during the use of these systems. Also, the author points out the legal gaps in the international law of armed conflicts that have emerged with the development of new types of combat systems and their use.

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The goal of this study is to respond to an intriguing question that has been the focus of Slobodan Jovanović’s research: Is dictatorship a common denominator for European countries during and after the two world wars, as well as for Latin American countries during and after the Cold War ended in the digital era? The paper draws on the hypothesis that in the interwar period, Jovanović built the foundation for more advanced and comprehensive research into a state and its internal integration processes. With this claim in mind, one can discuss the validity of Jovanović’s research. The conclusion is based on the statement that during the global migration and simultaneous health crisis, the countries should maintain close cooperation in order to ensure the survival of democracy and the prevention of dictatorships both in European and Latin American countries.

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Migrations instigated by war and suffering, the actions of radical Islamists and the formation of the Islamic State on the territory of several Middle Eastern countries forced European states to act systematically against the invasion of migrants over a long period, spending their resources and overworking their police, military and civilian capabilities. Through the topic “Illegal migration and security responses, a case study on the example of Austria and Hungary,” we will attempt to comprehend modern illegal migration. We examined the work and outcomes of Southeast European anti-trafficking and anti-trafficking systems, including governmental and non-governmental organizations and their responsibilities in the system, to determine which capacities have yet to be developed and where the systems‘ weaknesses lie.

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The asymmetric global economic recovery from the aftermath of COVID19 and the accompanying “vaccine apartheid” has opened space for OPEC’s new political role on the international stage, at a time when, according to UN Secretary-General Guterres, humanity has “crossed the red line” regarding climate change. In the text, we express our belief that OPEC\'s narrative that “energy must be accessible to all” takes a new negotiating position towards the advocates of a rapid transition to the exploitation of renewable energy sources, and gives space for joint business and eventual political arrangements with the poorer part of the world. The text highlights OPEC\'s arguments against disjunction: either oil or renewable energy, and points to Africa’s new energy attractiveness for this group of oil-producing countries.

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The article examines the importance of the crisis phenomena in the context of the progress of integration processes, that is, the centralization of competencies at the European decision-making level. To answer the questions of whether the integration is moving forward through crises and whether crises have truly been a positive stress test for the European Union, as it is sometimes referred to in the literature, the responses to the preceding crises are analyzed. The choice fell on the crises that historians of European integration have identified as the most serious. Particular emphasis is placed on the consequences of the latest Union crisis. Whether it is portrayed as the most serious economic crisis in the history of a European project, or the uncertain transformation of an ineffective and democracy deficient European multi-level governance system that has been in force for more than a decade, the Eurozone crisis has had far-reaching political consequences. Various narratives are also considered regarding the Union’s definitive way out from the crisis. The paper concludes the integration has progressed, both as a result of measures taken for the sake of crises and as a result of other factors not strictly related to crises. It is not advisable to ascertain that the growing interdependence of the European people, initiated as a result of institutional responses to crises, is desirable or useful without a qualitative examination of the political order within which it is achieved.

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Regional cooperation within the Chinese platform 17+1 is still very limited. Most of the finished projects were achieved bilaterally, although the first project that was agreed upon was a regional project, e.g. the railway Belgrade – Budapest. Projects that have regional components and are more and more nominated by member countries are mainly those already considered by the European Union, but the Union retracted from fulfilling them. The impression is that most of the projects are \"recycled\" and that the member countries did not offer China new regional projects. Regardless, China is willing to cooperate, but cooperation is progressing slowly. It would be more suitable if the member countries of this initiative could nominate more innovative and manageable projects. Serbia has positive experiences with the realization of bilateral projects, but not so much with regional, mainly due to the negative attitude of the EU.

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After the collapse of the USSR and the triumph of the liberal world over the communist bloc, the states of the Visegrád Group have unanimously opted geopolitically for Euro-Atlantic integration and embarked on a process of economic transformation. Aware of its historical responsibility and geographical proximity to these countries, Germany’s foreign policy of the early nineties has expressed unreserved support for the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the leaderships of the Visegrád Troika and then the Four, following the peaceful dissolution of Czechoslovakia in 1993 into the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The crises the EU has been facing, from the outbreak of the financial crisis, the migrant and the Ukrainian crises, to the “divorce dispute” between the EU and the UK and Northern Ireland, have all been a real test for the newcomers to the family of European nations, including the states of the Visegrád Group. The fact that unlike the western EU member states, which had been shaped by a democratic political culture during the Cold War, the Visegrád Group states were all united under an authoritarian political and military alliance led by the USSR, only serves to make their trials even more difficult. Because the focus of the European bloc will be on the German/French duo following the UK\'s exit from the EU, it is in Germany\'s interest to guide its strong economic relations with the Visegrád Group states in the direction of constructive contribution to the further strengthening of the family of European nations.

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For more than a century, i.e., from the times of the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, Serbia and Albania have had turbulent relations. The only change in the status of these relations is the transition from a conflict situation into a pre-conflict situation and vice versa. The consequences of such relations between the two countries are mostly felt by the national minorities. Unlike the Serbian minority in Albania, during the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Albanian minority had the National Party in the Parliament of the former state. Their interests were represented by the Cemiyet Party, which was eventually banned due to anti-state operations. During the reign of Enver Hoxha in neighboring Albania, their compatriots of the Albanian national minority in Kosovo and Metohija had freedom of thought, freedom of speech and political freedoms in many areas of life. In general, they had much more rights than their compatriots in Albania. However, the Serbian national minority in communist Albania during that time was suffering from the terror of boundless proportions. The personal names of people, cultural and religious heritage, freedom of religion, expression of nationality, all aspects of human life, and sometimes even life itself became subject of general oppression during the time of the dictator Enver Hoxha. After the dissolution of SFR Yugoslavia, NATO aggression against Yugoslavia, and temporary occupation of the southern Serbian province, status and position of the Serbian minority in Albania looked gloomier than during the rule of Enver Hoxha. The paper intends to give a brief historical account of the circumstances that explain the consequences of the present state of the Serbian national minority. However, it will primarily be focused on the present state of our minority, the renewal of its linguistic, cultural and religious life (a large number of Serbs in Albania are Muslims, especially in central Albania). Currently, the leading role in the renewal of the Serbian minority and its national and ethnic consciousness has an association Moraca-Rozafa from Shkodra, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Republic of Serbia and many other individuals involved. Also, the authors of this paper want to point out the positive role of the Republic of Serbia and its concern for the compatriots in Albania.

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The subject of this paper is the description of the relations between United States of America and the People’s Republic of China given through perspective of Obama’a Pivot to Asia policy and Trump’s policy of economic pressure through high tariffs and economic pressure. The main core of these different policies is an attempt to „contain“ China in international relations, both economically and in a wider geopolitical sense. Such US attitude toward China is the result of the assessment that China is one of the main winners of global shifts, which occurred as a result of the process of multipolarization of the world and phenomenon named as the rise of the rest and the shift of global power to the East. It allowed China to become the fastest growing economy in the world and to endanger US’s dominance.

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The paper deals with the analysis of political changes in Latin America in 2019. We will first look at the internal political changes in several Latin American countries (Brazil, Venezuela, Mexico, Chile and Bolivia), where we will examine their causes and the consequences they have produced. The starting point is that one cannot speak of a cause-and-effect relationship between the changes that have taken place in this area, since these are both different types of changes and different causes that led to them. The results of the survey show that the most significant political changes have taken place in Bolivia, but also that the political climate in other countries observed has changed significantly. Also, changes in particular countries have affected interstate relations in Latin America, but also at international level. We will use the analysis method and the case study method in the paper.

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Are the integration processes in North American countries viable after the 1929 economic crisis? This paper draws on the hypothesis that economic crises were the main reason for the long-term involvement of the United States (US) in the complex process of inter-state co-operation, particularly with Canada and Mexico. The subject of the paper are integration processes among North American countries before and after 2016. The purpose of the paper is to point to the fact that after the economic and migration crisis and from the 2016 onwards, the co-operation continued despite the altered US political climate. The worrying persistence of radical rhetoric in the US can call into question integration processes as well as the development of capitalism and democracy.

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The establishment of free trade relations between the Republic of Serbia and the Russian Federation has been in force for 19 years through signed agreements and protocols. In the meantime, the political movements and transformations of both countries, the development of the economy, the signing of agreements with third countries, entry into regional integrations, the global economic crisis, and many other events have left their mark on the trade relations of the two countries. In the paper we explore the starting hypothesis that the Agreement had a positive impact on the growth and diversification of trade between the Republic of Serbia and the Russian Federation. Given that a sufficient period of time has passed for the implementation of the Free Trade Agreement, it is authors intention to analyze its impact, what changes it has brought, and what concrete effects it has had on the trade between the two countries. Several trade trends were identified through the analysis: the trend of Serbia’s constant trade deficit in exchange with Russia, the trend of energy import dependence of Serbia, the significant presence of low-level agricultural products in Serbia’s exports, and others. The entire period of 19 years is analyzed in the paper, with a particular focus on the last 10 years. During the analysis, the period of the global economic crisis was singled out, as well as the impact of fluctuations in the price of oil and natural gas on changes in the value of trade, as they explain part of the changes in the foreign trade. The introductory considerations highlight the essential features of the Agreement itself, as well as the changes it has undergone over the years. Then, an analysis of the total value of trade, percentage participation and comparison with other major Serbian trade countries. Finally, the paper presents an analysis of the most important sectors and then of the products that participate in the foreign trade relations of the two countries. The conclusion provides an overview of the trends observed, provides some recommendations for incentive measures, as well as guidelines for improving Serbia’s trade relations with the Russian Federation.

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This paper presents a review of synoptic neorealism and constellation analysis of international relations, conceived by Karl-Gottfried Kindermann at the University of Munich in the late 1970s. Although neglected in theoretical reviews of the field, in part because of language barriers, this school is an implicit analytical framework for a large number of practiceoriented studies. Clarity and conciseness of constellation analysis are presented through a small number of elements: system, perceptions, power, interests, norms, and strategies. However, synoptic neorealism goes much beyond the reference framework of structural neorealism in the direction of modern constructivist and critical approaches to international relations, with all advantages and risks that it brings.

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This paper aims to present the activities of the European Union in the field of preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. In addition to the analysis of institutional and legal mechanisms established from 2003 onwards, the practical effect of the European Union in preventing the proliferation of Armageddon weapons is also investigated. The uneven role and results achieved in various crisis hotspots, such as North Korea, Iran, India and Pakistan, leave room for different forecasts of future EU action. A good starting point and a basic consensus of all members regarding the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction give a reason for optimism in the analysis. Therefore, the paper explores the relationship between established capacities, practical policies, and future crisis sites related to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

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In the paper, a possibility that the United States of America and India enter a military alliance treaty (for example, analogous to the agreements the USA has with Australia or Japan) during the next decade (2020 – 2030), thus raising their current partner relationship to a qualitatively higher level, is critically analyzed and assessed. The continuous economic expansion, as well as the military strengthening of the PR of China (together with its ever-greater presence in the oceans), which both countries – i.e., India and the USA – perceive as a potential security threat and a possible aggressor, are mentioned as the primary motive for such a potential arrangement. The most important factors speaking in favor of the formation of such an alliance, as well as those factors that might influence the non-execution of such an arrangement, are enumerated and expounded. The basic thesis in the paper consists of the attitude that chances for the formation of an America–India military alliance during the forthcoming decade are very moderate due to a series of circumstances (limitations) that, first of all, pertain to India.